Turkey's political history is not only about elections, coups, governments or power struggles. The history of this country is also the history of young people who paid a great price, of people who put their lives on the line for what they believed in. Deniz Gezmi\u015f, Yusuf Aslan and H\u00fcseyin \u0130nan are undoubtedly the most prominent of those names.
\nOn the morning of May 6, 1972...
\nThree young people in the prime of their lives were executed in Ankara Ulucanlar Prison. Exactly 54 years have passed. Turkey has changed, governments have changed, generations have changed, but the name of the Denizens has not been erased. Because some people are engraved not only in the period in which they lived, but in the collective memory of a people.
\nThe reason why millions of people still talk about Deniz Gezmi\u015f today is not only because of the tragic story of his execution. The real issue is that the ideas they represented still resonate in this land. Independence, equality, freedom, brotherhood of peoples and anti-imperialism... Denizler became the symbol of these very concepts.
\nMuch has been said about Deniz Gezmi\u015f and his friends over the years. Some saw them as heroes, others heavily criticized them. But beyond all the debates, there is one unchanging fact: They did not back down from the ideas they believed in. They continued to defend their ideas even in the face of death.
\nWhen trying to understand this today, it is not possible to make a sound assessment without looking at the Turkey of that period.<\/p>\n
The 1960s were years of rising youth movements in many parts of the world. Students were setting up barricades in the streets of Paris, the Vietnam War was being protested in the US, revolutionary movements were growing in Latin America, and youth all over the world were objecting to the existing order.
\nTurkey was not independent from this wave.
\nThere was a great political mobilization in universities. Young people were not only pursuing diplomas; they were discussing the future of the country, independence and democracy. It was in such an environment that Deniz Gezmi\u015f became politicized at Istanbul University Faculty of Law.
\nWhat initially looked like a student movement evolved into a more organized structure over time. University boycotts, occupations, protests and especially anti-American demonstrations were at the center of the youth movement. The youth of that period believed that Turkey had become economically and politically dependent on foreign countries and argued that this should be fought against.
\nIt was during these student movements that Deniz Gezmi\u015f's name was first heard by the wider public.
\nHe was no longer just a university student. He was a political figure who defended the idea of an independent Turkey in every environment he entered, spoke in the squares and became one of the leading figures of the youth movement.<\/p>\n
When we look at Deniz Gezmi\u015f's entire political life, we see that the strongest emphasis was on \u201cfully independent Turkey\u201d.
\nFor him, the issue was not only a matter of government. He thought that Turkey was under the influence of foreign powers economically, politically and militarily and he opposed this.
\nHe made this clear in his defense in court:
\n\u201cWe fought for Turkey's full independence.\u201d
\nToday, this sentence can be read as an ordinary political discourse. However, in the conditions of that period, these words carried a much harsher meaning. Because Turkey was going through one of the most tense periods of the Cold War. Right-left conflicts were deepening, the state's security policies were hardening, and youth movements were becoming increasingly radicalized.
\nIt was in this atmosphere that Deniz Gezmi\u015f and his friends began to see themselves not only as part of a student movement but also as part of a larger struggle for independence.<\/p>\n
As time progressed, methods of struggle began to change. The People's Liberation Army of Turkey (THKO), founded by Deniz Gezmi\u015f, Yusuf Aslan and H\u00fcseyin \u0130nan, became one of the most controversial organizations of the period.
\nThis was one of the important breaks in the leftist movement in Turkey. Because a section of the youth movement thought that parliamentary means would no longer yield results and saw armed struggle as an option.
\nThe establishment of THKO was precisely the product of this idea.
\nPlans to move into the countryside, preparations for guerrilla warfare and direct confrontation with the state were the most important topics of this period.
\nOf course, looking back today, these methods are still intensely debated. But for the Denizens, the issue was not a personal adventure, but an ideological choice. They defined themselves as revolutionaries fighting against imperialism and the existing order.
\nThe following words from Yusuf Aslan's defense make this very clear:
\n\u201cIf we are guilty of anything, it is fighting for our people.\u201d
\nThis sentence is not just a defense; it summarizes the state of mind of an entire generation.<\/p>\n
The year 1971 was a sharp turning point for Turkey. With the March 12 Memorandum, the climate of repression in the country became even more severe. Leftist movements faced major operations.
\nSearches, detentions, torture and martial law courts became the daily reality of the period.
\nFor Deniz Gezmi\u015f and his friends, the process of escape had begun.
\nThey became one of the most wanted figures in the state. Operations expanded. There were clashes in many places. Finally, Deniz Gezmi\u015f and Yusuf Aslan were captured in Gemerek. H\u00fcseyin \u0130nan was captured later.
\nThe judicial process that began after their arrest became one of the most talked about cases in Turkish political history.<\/p>\n
For the Denizler, the court was not only a legal process. They also saw the courtrooms as a political podium.
\nIn their defense, they constantly emphasized independence, people's struggle and anti-imperialism.
\nH\u00fcseyin \u0130nan's words are still one of the sentences that have gone down in history:
\n\u201cIt is an idea that is on trial, not us.\u201d
\nIndeed, in those courts, not only three young people were on trial, but the ideas of an era.
\nBecause of their stance in the courts, Deniz Gezmi\u015f and his friends became a bigger symbol, especially among the youth. Because they did not back down, showed no remorse, and continued to defend their ideas.
\nEven today, when one reads their defense, one is struck by the psychological resilience shown by three young people facing the death penalty.<\/p>\n
After votes in Parliament, political debates and intense public pressure, the death sentences were finalized.
\nA significant part of Turkey opposed these executions. Intellectuals, artists, students and many political figures demanded a halt.
\nThe action carried out by Mahir \u00c7ayan and his friends in K\u0131z\u0131ldere was precisely aimed at preventing these executions. The aim was to put pressure on the state through the kidnapped foreign technicians and to stop the executions.
\nBut the process ended tragically. Mahir \u00c7ayan and his friends were killed in K\u0131z\u0131ldere. Shortly afterwards, Deniz Gezmi\u015f, Yusuf Aslan and H\u00fcseyin \u0130nan were executed.
\nTurkey was burying its young people.
\nOn the morning of May 6, 1972, three young men marched to the gallows and did not back down even in their last moments.
\nDeniz Gezmi\u015f's letter to his family is one of the texts that still knots one's throat today:
\n\u201cI fought only for the independence and happiness of the Turkish people, without any personal interest.\u201d
\nThese words are not just a farewell. They are also a summary of a life.<\/p>\n
Many political figures in Turkey have been forgotten over time. But Deniz Gezmi\u015f and his friends were not forgotten. Because they became a symbol not only of a political movement but also of a conscience.
\nToday, if young people still carry their posters and keep their names alive in slogans, it is not because of romantic nostalgia.
\nThe Denizens represent the objection against injustice, the desire for independence and the will not to submit.
\nEspecially for the younger generations, the story of Deniz Gezmi\u015f is the story of \u201ca young man who paid the price for the values he believed in\u201d.
\nThat is why Deniz Gezmi\u015f is no longer just a name in history books. He has become one of the symbols of opposition culture, youth movements and the idea of independence in Turkey.<\/p>\n
At a time when Turkey is still debating democracy, law, freedom and justice, it would be a great shortcoming to see the Denizens only as a part of the past.
\nTheir story reminds us of one thing very clearly:
\nThe future of a country is shaped not only by those in power, but also by young people who object.
\nDeniz Gezmi\u015f and his friends may have lost their lives at a very young age, but they left behind a great political and social memory.
\nThat is why 54 years later they are still talked about.
\nBecause some people don't die.
\nSome people become the memory of a people.
\nDeniz Gezmi\u015f, Yusuf Aslan and H\u00fcseyin \u0130nan continue to live on as one of the most powerful symbols of that memory.
\nI once again respectfully commemorate Mahir \u00c7ayan, \u0130brahim Kaypakkaya and all the revolutionary youth of the 68 generation, especially Deniz Gezmi\u015f, Yusuf Aslan and H\u00fcseyin \u0130nan.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
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