{"id":284426,"date":"2026-03-30T04:36:05","date_gmt":"2026-03-30T04:36:05","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/?p=284426"},"modified":"2026-03-30T04:36:05","modified_gmt":"2026-03-30T04:36:05","slug":"turkey-voter-profile-systematic-production-of-passive-consent-and-institutionalized-denial-of-responsibility","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/turkey-voter-profile-systematic-production-of-passive-consent-and-institutionalized-denial-of-responsibility\/","title":{"rendered":"Voter Profile of Turkey: Systematic Production of Passive Consent and Institutionalized Denial of Responsibility"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de siyaset tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 neredeyse refleks haline gelmi\u015f iki kolayc\u0131l\u0131k \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcyor: ya b\u00fct\u00fcn sorun iktidara y\u00fckleniyor ya da t\u00fcm ele\u015ftiriler \u201ckar\u015f\u0131 taraf\u0131n propagandas\u0131\u201d diye bertaraf ediliyor. Oysa bu iki yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n da ortak bir k\u00f6r noktas\u0131 var: <strong>se\u00e7men.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de siyaset, yaln\u0131zca liderlerin, partilerin ya da kurumlar\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fildir. Tam tersine, onlar\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan ve s\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcreten bir toplumsal zihniyet vard\u0131r. Ve bu zihniyet, bug\u00fcn itibar\u0131yla, yaln\u0131zca edilgen de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00e7eli\u015fkili, se\u00e7ici ve derin bi\u00e7imde ara\u00e7salla\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir yap\u0131 sergilemektedir. Daha a\u00e7\u0131k s\u00f6yleyelim: Bu \u00fclkede siyaset, sand\u0131kta de\u011fil zihinde ba\u015flar; zihinde bozulur ve yine zihinde me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Bu yap\u0131y\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in, se\u00e7menin davran\u0131\u015f kal\u0131plar\u0131n\u0131 tek tek a\u00e7mak gerekir:<\/p>\n<p><strong>Zemini Olu\u015ftururken Seyirci Kalmak: Pasifli\u011fin Kurucu G\u00fcc\u00fc<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>One of the most common misconceptions in Turkey is that evil is produced only by active actors. However, political decay often begins with silence.<\/p>\n<p>Bir hukuksuzluk ilk kez ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011finde, toplumun b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131sm\u0131 bunu \u201cistisnai\u201d bir durum olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Tepki vermez, pozisyon almaz, bekler. Bu bekleme hali, asl\u0131nda sistemin en kritik k\u0131r\u0131lma an\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ilk ihlal kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda g\u00f6sterilmeyen tepki, sonraki ihlaller i\u00e7in zemin haz\u0131rlar. Sessizlik burada n\u00f6tr bir pozisyon de\u011fil; kurucu bir tercihtir.<\/p>\n<p>Bug\u00fcn belediyelere y\u00f6nelik operasyonlardan yarg\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine kadar uzanan geni\u015f bir alanda g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u015fey tam olarak budur:<br \/>\n\u0130lk ad\u0131mda sessiz kal\u0131n\u0131r, ikinci ad\u0131mda me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r, \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc ad\u0131mda ise normalle\u015ftirilir.<br \/>\nD\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc ad\u0131mda ise art\u0131k kimse bunun ne zaman ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hat\u0131rlamaz.<\/p>\n<p>Se\u00e7men bu s\u00fcrecin d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki bir g\u00f6zlemci de\u011fildir. Tam tersine, bu s\u00fcrecin kurucu unsurudur. Sessizlik, burada yaln\u0131zca bir eksiklik de\u011fil; aktif bir \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imidir. Ve bu \u00fcretim, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman bilin\u00e7li bir tercihten \u00e7ok, konforun korunmas\u0131 ad\u0131na yap\u0131lan bir geri \u00e7ekilmedir.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Ucu Kendine Dokunmay\u0131nca \u0130zlemek: Ahlak\u0131n Ki\u015fiselle\u015fmesi<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de siyasal etik, evrensel ilkeler \u00fczerinden de\u011fil; bireysel etkilenme d\u00fczeyi \u00fczerinden i\u015fler.<\/p>\n<p>Bir hak ihlali, do\u011frudan bireyin ya\u015fam\u0131na temas etmiyorsa, o ihlal \u00e7o\u011fu zaman \u201c\u00f6nemsiz\u201d ya da \u201cikincil\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Bu durum, kamusal ahlak\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7ar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc adalet, ancak herkese uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda anlaml\u0131d\u0131r; se\u00e7ici uyguland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise yaln\u0131zca bir ara\u00e7 haline gelir.<\/p>\n<p>Son d\u00f6nemde ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmelerde bu refleksi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn:<br \/>\nBir kesim i\u00e7in kabul edilemez olan bir uygulama, di\u011fer kesim i\u00e7in s\u0131radan bir y\u00f6netim prati\u011fi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebiliyor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc mesele ilke de\u011fil; etki alan\u0131d\u0131r. Bu, modern yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n de\u011fil; ilkel bir \u00e7\u0131kar ahlak\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6stergesidir.<\/p>\n<p>Daha da \u00f6nemlisi, bu yakla\u015f\u0131m zamanla bir norm haline gelir. \u0130nsanlar yaln\u0131zca kendilerine dokunan meselelere tepki vermeyi \u201cdo\u011fal\u201d kabul etmeye ba\u015flar. B\u00f6ylece ortak bir adalet duygusu tamamen \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fcr; geriye yaln\u0131zca par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015f hassasiyetler kal\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Bu da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de se\u00e7meni, ilkesel bir yurtta\u015f olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r; durumsal bir tepki vericisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcr.<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u201cBizden\u201d Olana Susmak: Ahlaki \u00c7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn Kolektifle\u015fmesi<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Bir toplumun ger\u00e7ek ahlaki seviyesi, kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131na de\u011fil; kendi i\u00e7indeki yanl\u0131\u015flara verdi\u011fi tepkiyle \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc neredeyse tamamen tersine d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015f durumda. Kendi taraf\u0131n\u0131n hatalar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda geli\u015ftirilen refleks, ele\u015ftiri de\u011fil; savunmad\u0131r. Bu savunma \u00e7o\u011fu zaman bilin\u00e7li bir suskunluk, bazen de aktif bir me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma \u015feklinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Bu, yaln\u0131zca bir \u00e7ifte standart de\u011fil; sistematik bir ahlaki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmedir.<\/p>\n<p>Bug\u00fcn hem iktidar hem muhalefet se\u00e7meninde ortak olan en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc refleks budur:<br \/>\n<strong>Kendi taraf\u0131n\u0131 korumak.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Bu refleks, siyasal alan\u0131 ilke temelli bir tart\u0131\u015fma zemini olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131r; bir t\u00fcr sadakat yar\u0131\u015f\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcr. B\u00f6yle bir zeminde ise yanl\u0131\u015flar d\u00fczelmez; yaln\u0131zca taraf de\u011fi\u015ftirir. D\u00fcn ele\u015ftirilen y\u00f6ntemler, bug\u00fcn ayn\u0131 a\u011f\u0131zlardan savunulur hale gelir.<\/p>\n<p>Ve en tehlikelisi: Bu durum art\u0131k kimseyi rahats\u0131z etmez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00e7eli\u015fki, ola\u011fanla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u0130\u015fine Gelince Desteklemek: \u00c7\u0131karc\u0131 Rasyonalitenin Hakimiyeti<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de se\u00e7men davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00e7o\u011fu zaman \u201cduygusal\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131r. Oysa daha derin bir analiz, bunun asl\u0131nda son derece pragmatik bir yap\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\n<p>Se\u00e7men, destek verirken \u00e7o\u011fu zaman uzun vadeli ilkeleri de\u011fil; k\u0131sa vadeli faydalar\u0131 dikkate al\u0131r. Ekonomik beklentiler, sosyal stat\u00fc, aidiyet duygusu\u2026 T\u00fcm bunlar, siyasal tercihlerin belirleyici unsurlar\u0131 haline gelir. Bu tercih, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman bilin\u00e7li bir hesaplamad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Bu durum, ilk bak\u0131\u015fta rasyonel bir tercih gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de, asl\u0131nda kolektif d\u00fczeyde irrasyonel sonu\u00e7lar \u00fcretir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc herkesin kendi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 maksimize etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir sistemde, kamusal yarar sistematik olarak yok olur.<\/p>\n<p>Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ya\u015fanan ekonomik ve siyasal krizlerin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131, tam da bu k\u0131sa vadeli akl\u0131n uzun vadeli sonu\u00e7lar\u0131d\u0131r. Se\u00e7men, bug\u00fcn\u00fc kurtar\u0131rken yar\u0131n\u0131 ipotek alt\u0131na al\u0131r; sonra da o yar\u0131n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan \u015fik\u00e2yet eder.<\/p>\n<p>Bu bir \u00e7eli\u015fki de\u011fil; bir d\u00f6ng\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u0130tiraz Edileni Yaln\u0131z B\u0131rakmak: Konformizmin Kurumsalla\u015fmas\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Bir toplumda itiraz edenlerin kaderi, o toplumun demokratik kapasitesini belirler.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise itiraz, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman yaln\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa mahk\u00fbm edilir. Parti i\u00e7inde farkl\u0131 bir ses \u00e7\u0131karan, yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131 dile getiren, ilke hat\u0131rlatan herkes h\u0131zla marjinalize edilir. Bu durum yaln\u0131zca siyasal elitlerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fildir; toplumsal d\u00fczeyde de benzer bir mekanizma i\u015fler.<\/p>\n<p>Se\u00e7men, itiraz edenin yan\u0131nda durmaz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu, konfor alan\u0131n\u0131 terk etmeyi gerektirir. Ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de konfor, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman adaletin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7er.<\/p>\n<p>Bu nedenle itiraz, bireysel bir cesaret eylemi olarak kal\u0131r; kolektif bir harekete d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015femez. Ve bireysel kalan her itiraz, sistem taraf\u0131ndan kolayl\u0131kla so\u011furulur.<\/p>\n<p>Sonu\u00e7: G\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fc var, de\u011fi\u015fim yok.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Kendi Kendine D\u00fczelmesini Beklemek: Kadercili\u011fin Modern Versiyonu<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de en yayg\u0131n siyasal yan\u0131lsamalardan biri, sistemin kendili\u011finden d\u00fczelece\u011fi inanc\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Bu inan\u00e7, klasik kadercilikten farkl\u0131d\u0131r. Art\u0131k insanlar \u201cyazg\u0131\u201dya de\u011fil; \u201cs\u00fcre\u00e7lere\u201d inan\u0131r. Ama sonu\u00e7 ayn\u0131d\u0131r: aktif m\u00fcdahale yerine pasif bekleyi\u015f. Bu bekleyi\u015f, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman \u201czamanla d\u00fczelir\u201d c\u00fcmlesiyle rasyonalize edilir.<\/p>\n<p>Oysa hi\u00e7bir siyasal sistem, d\u0131\u015fsal bir bask\u0131 olmadan kendini d\u00fczeltmez. De\u011fi\u015fim, her zaman bir maliyet \u00fcretir. Bu maliyeti \u00fcstlenmeye haz\u0131r olmayan bir toplumda ise de\u011fi\u015fim talebi, yaln\u0131zca retorik d\u00fczeyde kal\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de se\u00e7men tam olarak bu noktada konumlan\u0131r:<br \/>\nDe\u011fi\u015fim ister, ama de\u011fi\u015fimin bedelini reddeder.<\/p>\n<p>Ve bedel \u00f6denmeyen hi\u00e7bir de\u011fi\u015fim, ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmez.<\/p>\n<p><strong>SONU\u00c7: SANDI\u011eIN \u00d6TES\u0130NDEK\u0130 KR\u0130Z<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Bug\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ya\u015fanan \u015fey, klasik bir iktidar-muhalefet \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 de\u011fildir. Daha derin bir krizle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z: <strong>yurtta\u015fl\u0131k krizi.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sorun, yaln\u0131zca kimlerin y\u00f6netti\u011fi de\u011fil; nas\u0131l bir zihniyetin y\u00f6netimi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Se\u00e7men, kendisini sistemin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda konumland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, bu d\u00f6ng\u00fc k\u0131r\u0131lmaz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc her se\u00e7im, yaln\u0131zca yeni bir ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda eski al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131n yeniden onaylanmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Ve bu al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar de\u011fi\u015fmedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece,<br \/>\niktidarlar de\u011fi\u015fir, s\u00f6ylemler de\u011fi\u015fir, krizler de\u011fi\u015fir\u2026<br \/>\nbut the basic story of Turkey does not change.<\/p>\n<p>Because he is the author of this story,<br \/>\nbefore politicians,<br \/>\nyou are the chooser who brought them into existence.<\/p>\n<p>And as long as that voter doesn't change,<br \/>\nnothing will really change.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>One of the most common misconceptions in Turkey is that evil is produced only by active actors. However, political decay often begins with silence.<\/p>","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":284428,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[286],"tags":[289],"class_list":{"0":"post-284426","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-yazarlar","8":"tag-manset"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/284426","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/14"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=284426"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/284426\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":284429,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/284426\/revisions\/284429"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/284428"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=284426"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=284426"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=284426"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}