{"id":284121,"date":"2026-03-23T09:33:09","date_gmt":"2026-03-23T09:33:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/?p=284121"},"modified":"2026-03-23T09:33:09","modified_gmt":"2026-03-23T09:33:09","slug":"winners-and-losers-before-its-over","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/winners-and-losers-before-its-over\/","title":{"rendered":"Losers and Winners Before It's Over"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>This comprehensive conflict on the Iran-US-Israel axis has emerged as a historical threshold where not only military power but also strategic wisdom is tested. The fate of wars is often determined not by the amount of ammunition on the ground, but by the mental maps of decision-makers. The current geopolitical crisis is therefore not just a regional military escalation, but a broader test of different strategic cultures, forms of political reasoning and historical experiences.<\/p>\n<p>What is interesting about this test is that even before the war has reached its final outcome, some actors are already listed as losers. Chief among these losers is the American administration and the style of political communication it represents. In particular, the Trump administration's media performance during the crisis, the disorganization of its decision-making mechanisms, and the images revealing its lack of strategic planning have shown that the administration entered this conflict without a comprehensive strategic design.<\/p>\n<p>This approach, which at times tends to reduce state governance to the level of corporate management or social media communication, has represented a style of politics that distances itself from institutional diplomacy, relegates systematic consultation mechanisms with allies to the background, and assumes that complex geopolitical crises can be managed through short-term communication moves. Given the multilayered nature of international politics, this style of governance generates serious strategic vulnerabilities, especially in times of crisis. In the Trump era, a significant part of foreign policy discourse has often been reduced to short and harsh messages instead of complex diplomatic processes; direct pressure and rhetorical superiority strategies have been preferred over multilateral negotiation mechanisms.<\/p>\n<p>However, in the case of state structures like Iran, which have historically developed resistance to prolonged sieges, the limits of this approach soon became apparent. Therefore, regardless of the final outcome of the war, this style of governance, characterized by a lack of strategic preparation and communication ineptitude, joined the losers' club in the early stages of the war.<\/p>\n<p>In the first hours of the war, not only military ammunition but also ideological prejudices accumulated over the years were brought to the field. In particular, some circles around the world and in Turkey, whose intellectual references were wholly oriented towards the West, saw the conflict as an almost inevitable Iranian defeat. As soon as the debates around Iran's Supreme Leader and the allegations of targeting emerged, a significant part of the Western-centered world of thought produced a discourse based on the assumption that America would soon declare a glorious victory.<\/p>\n<p>This discourse was not only a military prediction, but also a manifestation of a paradigmatic worldview. It was based on the implicit assumption that non-Western actors were incapable of producing modern technology, strategic capacity or institutional resilience, while the West's liberal, democratic and secular values were seen as universal and unquestionable truths. Iran was often portrayed in this perspective as a \u201cbackward actor unable to compete with the modern world\u201d. Hence, there was a strong conviction that the war would be short-lived.<\/p>\n<p>This ideological blindness was not limited to academic and intellectual circles; at times, it also manifested itself in the discourse of state actors. \u201cThis is what happens when you don't do your homework and challenge the great powers,\u201d a Turkish diplomatic representative said in reference to the Iranian situation, which is a reflection of this approach at the diplomatic level.<\/p>\n<p>However, the reality on the ground in the later stages of the war significantly undermined these early and definitive judgments. As Iran's capabilities in missile technology, unmanned systems, cyber capabilities and artificial intelligence became more visible, many of the early certainties became increasingly questionable. What is even more remarkable is that even the most ardent proponents of these early judgments have begun to soften their rhetoric.<\/p>\n<p>This situation shows that not only the military balance but also the epistemological confidence of the Western-centered world of thought has been shaken.<\/p>\n<p>One of the most symbolically striking moments of this war was the Al-Quds March on the last Friday of Ramadan. The fact that the Iranian ruling elite took part in this march directly among the people without any visible protection measures, beyond being an ordinary political demonstration, carried a strong political message. Beyond ideological discourse, this image can be read as a collective expression of revolutionary political identity. At the same time, it went down in history as a symbolic scene showing how the relationship between the state and society can be reproduced in times of crisis.<\/p>\n<p>Regardless of the military outcome of the war, another noteworthy element in this process has been the social reflex of Iranian society during the crisis. Despite the long-standing political debates and opposition movements within the country, a significant part of the society displayed a certain solidarity reflex in the face of the external threat.<\/p>\n<p>In this process, the Iranian people have not only shown a defensive reflex, but also a strong political consciousness. As many observers expected, there were no mass emigration, defections or social disintegration; on the contrary, large masses of people took to the squares to express their ownership of their country's destiny. This can be considered as a strong show of collective will, which is rarely seen in modern international politics.<\/p>\n<p>This picture also underlines the intellectual and technological potential of Iranian society. It is remarkable that a country that has been under severe economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation and systematic siege for more than half a century has nevertheless been able to create a society with a high literacy rate and develop strong universities, scientific research centers and technological infrastructure.<\/p>\n<p>The human resources trained in artificial intelligence, missile technology, engineering and scientific research are one of the key elements behind Iran's strategic capacity. The intellectual capital accumulated in the fields of culture, arts and academia is also an important part of this potential.<\/p>\n<p>However, it is also clear that Iran's individual human capital is not reflected in total economic prosperity to the same extent. Administrative weaknesses, bureaucratic bottlenecks and economic inefficiencies play an important role in this situation. At the same time, the comprehensive sanctions regime that the country has been subjected to for many years is also an important factor that prevents this potential from fully transforming into economic power.<\/p>\n<p>In the light of all these developments, the war in question can be considered not only as a military conflict but also as an important breaking moment for the global intellectual order. For many years, the international system has been shaped by an intellectual framework based on the claim that liberal democracy, secular politics and Western-type institutional structures are the universal and only valid model.<\/p>\n<p>However, today's geopolitical competition clearly shows that modernity is not a phenomenon that can be produced from a single center; alternative forms of modernization can develop in different cultural and historical contexts.<\/p>\n<p>Therefore, one of the most important consequences of the current war is that it shows that the Western-centered narrative of \u201cone truth\u201d is gradually weakening. We are in a historical moment that is moving towards alternative paradigms, different forms of political modernity and a polycentric world order.<\/p>\n<p>Whatever the final military outcome of the war, some truths have already emerged. Administrations acting with a lack of strategic preparation and poor communication, dogmatic beliefs in the absolute and unquestionable superiority of the West, and ideological readings based on rote memorization have been the early losers in this process.<\/p>\n<p>On the other hand, Iranian society, despite all its internal tensions and historical contradictions, has become one of the most remarkable winners of this process with its collective will and solidarity reflex at the moment of crisis. This is not only a military resistance, but also a powerful expression of a society's will for self-determination.<\/p>\n<p>In other words, this war may not be over yet, but the fact that memorization and memorizers have been defeated is already visible.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Sermet Erdem<\/strong><\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Dedicated to the Murdered Daughters<\/p>","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":284122,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-284121","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-dunya"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/284121","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=284121"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/284121\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":284123,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/284121\/revisions\/284123"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/284122"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=284121"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=284121"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=284121"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}