Bat\u0131l\u0131 uzmanlar\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 okurken yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 en b\u00fcy\u00fck hata \u015fu:
\nBu \u00fclkeyi sadece f\u00fcze menziliyle, hava savunma sistemleriyle, ambargoyla, ekonomik k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131kla ve vekil g\u00fc\u00e7lerle anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar.
\nOysa \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 sadece askeri kapasiteyle okumaya kalkarsan\u0131z, \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fczde duran devleti g\u00f6r\u00fcrs\u00fcn\u00fcz ama onu ayakta tutan zihniyeti g\u00f6remezsiniz.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in Tahran\u2019a bakmak yetmez.
\nKum\u2019a bakacaks\u0131n\u0131z.
\nKerbela\u2019ya bakacaks\u0131n\u0131z.
\nMatem k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne bakacaks\u0131n\u0131z. Ve en \u00f6nemlisi \u015eii haf\u0131zadaki \u201c40. g\u00fcn\u201de bakacaks\u0131n\u0131z.
\n\u0130ran\u2019da bazen bir devrimi ba\u015flatan \u015fey kur\u015fun de\u011fildir.
\nO kur\u015fundan 40 g\u00fcn sonra tutulan yas\u0131n soka\u011fa ta\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r.
\n\u015eii d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda 40.g\u00fcn sadece yas de\u011fildir, siyasi seferberliktir.
\n\u015eii terminolojisinde matem olgusundaki 40. g\u00fcn, s\u0131radan bir dini rit\u00fcel de\u011fildir.
\nBu tarih, ac\u0131n\u0131n yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fi, yas\u0131n kolektifle\u015fti\u011fi ve toplumsal \u00f6fkenin tekrar soka\u011fa akt\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u015fiktir.
\nKerbela haf\u0131zas\u0131, \u015eii d\u00fcnyada sadece anlat\u0131lan bir trajedi de\u011fildir;
\ns\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcretilen bir siyasal bilin\u00e7tir.
\nBunu anlamayanlar \u0130ran \u0130slam Devrimi\u2019ni de anlayamaz.<\/p>\n
1977\u2019de ba\u015flayan sivil itaatsizlik s\u00fcreci, 1978\u2019de bamba\u015fka bir evreye ge\u00e7ti. SAVAK\u2019\u0131n bir g\u00f6steride silah kullanmas\u0131 ve can kay\u0131plar\u0131na yol a\u00e7mas\u0131, rejime kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6fkeyi b\u00fcy\u00fctt\u00fc.
\nAma mesele sadece \u00f6l\u00fcm de\u011fildi.
\nAs\u0131l mesele, o \u00f6l\u00fcmlerin \u015eii matem k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn i\u00e7ine girerek 40 g\u00fcnl\u00fck d\u00f6ng\u00fcyle yeni isyan dalgalar\u0131 \u00fcretmesiydi.
\n[1]<\/p>\n
\u0130lk cenazeler kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.Yas tutuldu.
\nSokak sustu san\u0131ld\u0131.
\nAma \u015eii haf\u0131za susmaz.
\n40.g\u00fcn geldi\u011finde, o yas yeniden soka\u011fa d\u00f6k\u00fcld\u00fc.
\nHer \u00f6l\u00fcm, bir sonraki g\u00f6sterinin me\u015fruiyetine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.
\nHer cenaze, bir sonraki dalgan\u0131n \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.
\n\u0130ran sokaklar\u0131 sadece \u00f6fkeyle de\u011fil, matem takvimiyle hareket etti.[1]
\n\u0130\u015fte Bat\u0131l\u0131 analistlerin g\u00f6remedi\u011fi \u015fey buydu.
\n\u0130ran Devrimi\u2019ni sokak de\u011fil, matem takvimi b\u00fcy\u00fctt\u00fc.
\n1978 A\u011fustos\u2019undaki ABADAN sinema kundaklamas\u0131, toplumsal \u00f6fkeyi daha da kitleselle\u015ftirdi. Rejim her bast\u0131rma hamlesinde asl\u0131nda bir sonraki 40. g\u00fcn\u00fcn zeminini haz\u0131rlad\u0131.
\n\u015eah rejimi, sokaktaki kalabal\u0131\u011f\u0131 da\u011f\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 zannederken,
\nasl\u0131nda \u015eii haf\u0131zada yeni bir matem halkas\u0131 olu\u015fturuyordu.
\nVe sonunda 1979\u2019a gelindi\u011finde, \u015eah sadece siyasi iktidar\u0131 kaybetmedi.
\nToplumsal me\u015fruiyetini, dini sembolizmin \u00fcretti\u011fi devasa dalga kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yitirdi.
\nBunu sadece polis \u015fiddeti, ekonomik kriz, d\u0131\u015f bask\u0131 ya da modern devrim teorileriyle a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan herkes eksik anlat\u0131r.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u0130ran devrimi\u2019nin ritmini belirleyen unsurlardan biri,
\n\u015eii matem k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn 40 g\u00fcnl\u00fck yeniden \u00fcretim mekanizmas\u0131yd\u0131.[1]
\nVelayet-i Fakih: \u0130ran\u2019da devlet sadece y\u00f6netim de\u011fil, inan\u00e7 organizasyonudur.
\n\u0130ran\u2019\u0131 anlamak isteyen herkesin \u00f6n\u00fcnde bir ba\u015fka b\u00fcy\u00fck duvar daha var: Velayet-i Fakih\u2019i sadece anayasal bir makam sanmak.
\nOysa bu yap\u0131, basit bir \u201cdin adam\u0131 y\u00f6netimi\u201d de\u011fildir.
\n\u015eii inan\u00e7 d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda, 12. \u0130mam yani kay\u0131p imam \u0130mam Mehdi zuhur edene kadar tam anlam\u0131yla me\u015fru bir siyasi d\u00fczen fikri tarih boyunca problemli g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Klasik \u015eii gelenekte din adamlar\u0131 bu y\u00fczden uzun s\u00fcre do\u011frudan devlet talebinde bulunmad\u0131.
\nAma son y\u00fczy\u0131lda bu k\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n
\u201cAli \u015eeriati, \u015eii haf\u0131zay\u0131 devrimci-toplumsal dile terc\u00fcme etti; Humeyni ise bu enerjiyi kurumsal egemenlik modeline d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek Velayet-i Fakih\u2019i rejim doktrini haline getirdi.\u201d [2]<\/p>\n
Yani: \u0130mam Mehdi gelene kadar, onun geli\u015fine haz\u0131rl\u0131k mahiyetinde devleti ayakta tutacak bir fakih otoritesi.
\nBu y\u00fczden \u0130ran\u2019daki sistem sadece rejim de\u011fildir.
\nBu, eskatolojik bir devlet modelidir.
\nDevlet, yaln\u0131zca bug\u00fcn\u00fc y\u00f6netmek i\u00e7in de\u011fil; Mehdi\u2019nin geli\u015fine haz\u0131rl\u0131k i\u00e7in korunmas\u0131 gereken bir organizma olarak kodlan\u0131r.
\nBunu anlamadan \u0130ran\u2019daki sadakati, fedak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131, sabr\u0131 ve rejimin kriz anlar\u0131nda neden kolay da\u011f\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zemezsiniz.
\nHamaney sonras\u0131 as\u0131l mesaj cenazede de\u011fil, 40. g\u00fcnde verilecektir.<\/p>\n
Seyyid Ali Hamaney\u2019in vefat\u0131yla birlikte, Bat\u0131 toplumlar\u0131 ve politikac\u0131lar\u0131 yine ilk refleks olarak \u0130ran \u0130slam Cumhuriyetin de \u015funa bakt\u0131:<\/p>\n
Kim halef olacak?
\nDevrim Muhaf\u0131zlar\u0131 ne yapacak?
\n\u0130\u00e7 klikler nas\u0131l b\u00f6l\u00fcnecek yada b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcr m\u00fc?
\nEkonomik piyasalar nas\u0131l tepki verecek?
\nBunlar\u0131n hepsi \u00f6nemli.
\nAma en can al\u0131c\u0131 as\u0131l kritik soru ilerleyen g\u00fcnler de \u0130ran i\u00e7in \u015fu olacak: 40. g\u00fcn nas\u0131l ge\u00e7ecek?
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u015eii toplumsal haf\u0131zas\u0131nda 40. g\u00fcn sadece anma de\u011fildir.
\nSafla\u015fmad\u0131r.
\nSadakat testidir.
\nRejimin diri olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilan\u0131d\u0131r.
\nToplumsal iradenin yeniden sahaya s\u00fcr\u00fclmesidir.
\n\u0130ran\u2019da bazen bir liderin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, ilk g\u00fcn de\u011fil; 40. g\u00fcn\u00fcnde ger\u00e7ek siyasi anlam\u0131n\u0131 kazan\u0131r.
\nBunu anlamayan herkes, \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 yine yanl\u0131\u015f okuyordur.
\n\u015eah ile Kum aras\u0131ndaki kavga ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri Din-Devlet kavgas\u0131 de\u011fildi!
\nBir ba\u015fka ezber de \u015fudur: Sanki \u015eah rejimi ile Kum ulemas\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri mutlak d\u00fc\u015fmand\u0131.
\nHay\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Velayet-i Fakih \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde, Kum medresesi ile \u015eah rejimi aras\u0131nda mutlak bir kopu\u015f yoktu. Hatta TUDEH gibi kom\u00fcnist hareketlere kar\u015f\u0131, dini \u00e7evrelerin \u015eah\u2019a \u00f6rt\u00fcl\u00fc destek verdi\u011fi d\u00f6nemler oldu.
\nYani Tahran\u2019daki monar\u015fi ile Kum\u2019daki ulema aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki, ba\u015ftan beri \u201c\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne sava\u015f\u201d de\u011fildi.<\/p>\n
As\u0131l kopu\u015f ne zaman oldu?<\/p>\n
Din\u00ee otorite, toplumu y\u00f6nlendiren bir merci olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p do\u011frudan siyasi egemenlik talep etmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda.
\nYani meselenin kalbi yine ayn\u0131 yerde: \u015eah ile mollalar aras\u0131ndaki esas kavga, Velayet-i Fakih makam\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fudur.
\n\u0130ran\u2019\u0131n haritas\u0131 sadece co\u011frafya de\u011fil, mezhep haf\u0131zas\u0131d\u0131r.
\n\u0130ran\u2019\u0131 sadece s\u0131n\u0131r haritas\u0131yla okuyan herkes eksik okur.
\nBu \u00fclke, kararlar\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca askeri menzil hesab\u0131yla vermez.
\nMezhep, haf\u0131za, tarih, aidiyet ve kutsal anlat\u0131 \u00fczerinden hareket eder.
\nO y\u00fczden; Irak i\u015fgali sonras\u0131 \u015eii b\u00f6lgelerdeki direni\u015fin sertli\u011fi,
\nYemen\u2019de Husilerin mezhepsel karakteri,
\nH\u00fcrm\u00fcz Bo\u011faz\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki Umman \u00e7o\u011funlukla \u0130badi bir dini-siyasi gelene\u011fe sahiptir ancak: \u0130badilik \u015eiili\u011fin bir kolu olmamas\u0131 S\u00fcnni-\u015eii ana ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tarihsel olarak ayr\u0131 bir \u0130slam\u00ee mezhep \u00e7izgisin den” olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen \u0130ran rejiminin Umman’a y\u00f6nelik milimetrik hassasiyeti,
\nL\u00fcbnan, Suriye, Irak hatt\u0131nda kurulan n\u00fcfuzun salt jeopolitik de\u011fil, inan\u00e7 co\u011frafyas\u0131yla da \u00f6r\u00fclmesi tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n
Ayr\u0131ca b\u00f6lgenin tarihsel k\u00f6kenlerinde, K\u00f6rfezin bat\u0131 yakas\u0131 yani Irak’\u0131n g\u00fcneyi (Kufe b\u00f6lgesi), Kuveyt, Bahreyn, Birle\u015fik Arap Emirli\u011fi (BAE), Katar, Do\u011fu Suudi Arabistan (El – Hassa ve Katif B\u00f6lgesi) \u0130ran’\u0131n k\u00f6rfez k\u0131y\u0131lar\u0131 (\u00f6zellikle H\u00fcrm\u00fczgan hatt\u0131 ) ve Umman’da ki 8-9. ve 10. y\u00fczy\u0131llardaki Karmati gelene\u011finin de \u0130ran’la olan ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zard\u0131 etmemek gerekli.(Karmat\u00ee gelene\u011fi; erken \u0130smail\u00ee-B\u00e2t\u0131n\u00ee zeminden \u00e7\u0131kan, imamet ve gizli hakikat fikrine dayanan, mevcut d\u00fczeni y\u0131k\u0131p alternatif e\u015fitlik\u00e7i-devrimci bir nizam kurmay\u0131 hedefleyen, bu y\u00fczden \u0130slam tarihinde hem \u00e7ok etkili hem de \u00e7ok travmatik iz b\u0131rakan radikal bir harekettir).[3]<\/p>\n
Karmat\u00eelik, \u015eii devrimci haf\u0131zan\u0131n ayn\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fildir.
\nAma ayn\u0131 tarihsel sinirin erken ve radikal bir patlamas\u0131d\u0131r.
\nKerbel\u00e2\u2019n\u0131n sadece g\u00f6zya\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, rejim y\u0131kan bir siyasal enerjiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilece\u011fini g\u00f6steren ilk sert \u00f6rneklerden biridir.[4]
\nYani baz\u0131lar\u0131 \u015eiili\u011fi sadece matem san\u0131r; Karmat\u00eeler ise matemin bazen devrim do\u011furdu\u011funu tarihe kaz\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
\n\u0130ran i\u00e7in baz\u0131 cepheler sadece askeri cephe de\u011fildir.
\nBaz\u0131lar\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda tarihsel haf\u0131za cepheleridir.[5]<\/p>\n
47 Y\u0131ll\u0131k Kesintisiz Kriz: Bu rejim konforla de\u011fil, unutmayal\u0131m ate\u015fle sertle\u015fti.<\/p>\n
1979\u2019dan beri \u0130ran\u2019\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnden ge\u00e7enler:
\nDevrim,
\n\u0130ran-Irak Sava\u015f\u0131,
\nK\u00f6rfez krizleri,
\n\u0130\u00e7 g\u00f6steriler,
\nAfganistan m\u00fcdahalesi,
\nIrak i\u015fgali,
\nHizbullah-\u0130srail sava\u015f\u0131,
\nSuriye i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131,
\nAmbargolar,
\nSuikastlar,
\nVek\u00e2let \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131,
\nSiber sald\u0131r\u0131lar,
\nEkonomik ku\u015fatma,
\nBu ne demek biliyor musunuz?
\nYakla\u015f\u0131k 47 y\u0131ld\u0131r kesintisiz kriz ya\u015fayan bir devlet yap\u0131s\u0131ndan bahsediyoruz.
\nBu kadar uzun s\u00fcre ate\u015fin i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7en bir sistemde:
\nsava\u015f refleksi geli\u015fir,
\ndevlet akl\u0131 sertle\u015fir,
\ntoplum ambargoya adapte olur,
\nelitler krizle ya\u015famay\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenir,
\nkonfor yerine diren\u00e7 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc olu\u015fur.
\n\u0130ran\u2019\u0131 sadece \u201cyapt\u0131r\u0131mlarla \u00e7\u00f6kecek \u00fclke\u201d diye okuyan herkes,
\nyapt\u0131r\u0131m\u0131n \u0130ran\u2019da ayn\u0131 zamanda bir dayan\u0131kl\u0131l\u0131k k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc \u00fcretti\u011fini g\u00f6remiyor.
\nBat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc: \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 devlet san\u0131yorlar, oysa bu ayn\u0131 zamanda bir haf\u0131za rejimi oldu\u011funu atl\u0131yorlar.
\nBat\u0131l\u0131 uzmanlar\u0131n temel hatas\u0131 \u015fu:
\n\u0130ran\u2019\u0131 sadece;
\nf\u00fcze stoku,
\nhava savunmas\u0131,
\nd\u00f6viz rezervi,
\nrejim klikleri,
\nvekil g\u00fc\u00e7ler,
\npetrol ihracat\u0131 \u00fczerinden okuyorlar.
\nAma g\u00f6rmedikleri \u015fey \u015fu:
\n\u0130ran sadece bir devlet de\u011fildir.
\nAyn\u0131 zamanda matemle diri tutulan bir haf\u0131za rejimidir ve bat\u0131l\u0131 uzmanlar bu durumu halen hafife al\u0131yorlar yada tarihsel derinlikte rejimi okuyup, b\u00f6lgenin dinamiklerini analiz edip strateji ve plan ortaya koyam\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n
Bu rejimde:
\nKerbela sadece tarih de\u011fildir, siyasi yak\u0131tt\u0131r.
\n40.g\u00fcn sadece anma de\u011fildir, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir toplumsal mobilizasyondur.
\nVelayet-i Fakih sadece anayasal makam de\u011fildir, teolojik me\u015fruiyet \u00fcretim merkezidir.
\n\u015eehadet sadece \u00f6l\u00fcm de\u011fildir, siyasal enerjiye \u00e7evrilen bir anlat\u0131d\u0131r.
\nVe bu y\u00fczden \u0130ran\u2019da sava\u015f, yaln\u0131zca askeri bir olay olarak ya\u015fanmaz.
\nAyn\u0131 zamanda kutsal tarihin devam\u0131 gibi anlat\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n
Son S\u00f6z;
\n\u0130ran\u2019\u0131 anlamak isteyenler, Tahran\u2019daki f\u00fcze rampalar\u0131na bakmadan \u00f6nce
\nKerbela\u2019n\u0131n yas diline bakmal\u0131.
\nKum\u2019u anlamadan Tahran okunmaz.
\nMatemi anlamadan sokak okunmaz.
\nVelayet-i Fakih\u2019i anlamadan rejim \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmez.
\nVe 40. g\u00fcn\u00fc anlamadan \u0130ran\u2019daki hi\u00e7bir b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131r\u0131lma do\u011fru analiz edilemez.
\n40 g\u00fcnl\u00fck matem d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc: Bu, rejimin en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc siyasal silah\u0131d\u0131r.
\nHer b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00fcm (lider, general, \u015fehit), Kerbela anlat\u0131s\u0131yla yeniden \u00fcretilir. Yas, kolektif \u00f6fkeyi \u00f6rg\u00fctler; 40. g\u00fcnde sokaklar ya rejimi peki\u015ftirir ya da yeni k\u0131r\u0131lma yarat\u0131r.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u0130ran\u2019da bazen devrimleri tanklar ba\u015flatmaz.
\nCenazeler ba\u015flat\u0131r.
\nVe o cenazelerin 40. g\u00fcn\u00fc, tarihi de\u011fi\u015ftirir.
\nBu y\u00fczden Hamaney sonras\u0131 40. g\u00fcn (yakla\u015f\u0131k 9-10 Nisan 2026), sadece anma de\u011fil; rejimin hayatta kalma s\u0131nav\u0131d\u0131r.
\nE\u011fer Kerbela narratifi sokaklar\u0131 yeniden doldurur, Mojtaba Hamaney\u2019in liderli\u011fini \u201cH\u00fcseyin\u2019in vekili\u201d olarak konsolide ederse, rejim sertle\u015fir.
\nAma e\u011fer yas kontrol d\u0131\u015f\u0131na ta\u015far ve muhalifler ayn\u0131 haf\u0131zay\u0131 kendi lehine kullan\u0131rsa\u2026 i\u015fte o zaman 1978 d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc tekrar eder.
\nKerbela\u2019y\u0131 anlamadan \u0130ran\u2019\u0131, \u015eii direni\u015fini ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sava\u015f\u0131 anlayamazs\u0131n\u0131z. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu co\u011frafyada bazen tarih, f\u00fczelerden daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcd\u00fcr. Cenazeler ba\u015flar, 40. g\u00fcnde tarih de\u011fi\u015fir.
\n\u0130ran’da iktidar sadece sand\u0131kta veya k\u0131\u015flada de\u011fil, sokaktaki yas\u0131n renginde ve o yas\u0131n kimin taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netildi\u011finde sakl\u0131d\u0131r.
\n\u201c\u0130ran Devrimi\u2019ni yaln\u0131zca sokak \u00f6fkesi de\u011fil, \u015eii matem k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn 40 g\u00fcnl\u00fck ritminin de b\u00fcy\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir ger\u00e7ektir.\u201d<\/p>\n
\u0130ran’da ya\u015fananlar yada 40 g\u00fcn mateminden sonra ya\u015fanacaklar sava\u015f\u0131n kaderini ve \u0130ran’\u0131n gelece\u011fini belirleyecektir.<\/p>\n
Mustafa B\u00d6\u011e\u00dcRC\u00dc<\/strong> Dipnotlar \/ Kaynak\u00e7a…<\/p>\n [1] Encyclopaedia Britannica, \u201cIranian Revolution (1979)\u201d \u2013 1978 protestolar\u0131nda \u00f6l\u00fcmlerin ard\u0131ndan \u015eii gelene\u011findeki 40. g\u00fcn anmalar\u0131n\u0131n yeni protestolar\u0131 tetikledi\u011fini ve bu d\u00f6ng\u00fcn\u00fcn devrimi b\u00fcy\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc vurgular. https:\/\/www.britannica.com\/event\/Iranian-Revolution?<\/p>\n [2] Encyclopaedia Britannica, \u201cWhat is vel\u0101yat-e faq\u012bh?\u201d ve \u201cRuhollah Khomeini\u201d \u2013 Velayet-i Fakih\u2019in On \u0130ki \u0130mamc\u0131 \u015eii d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncede gaybet d\u00f6neminde fakihin toplumu y\u00f6netmesi fikrine dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; Humeyni\u2019nin bunu 1970\u2019lerde devlet teorisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek \u0130ran \u0130slam Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin kurucu ilkesi haline getirdi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klar. https:\/\/www.britannica.com\/question\/What-is-velayat-e-faqih?<\/p>\n [3] Karmat\u00eelik i\u00e7in standart ba\u015fvuru literat\u00fcr\u00fc: Encyclopaedia Britannica \u201cQarmatians \/ Qarmatians (Qarmatians)\u201d maddesi ve erken \u0130smail\u00eelik literat\u00fcr\u00fc. [4] Farhad Daftary, The Ism\u0101ilis: Their History and Doctrines, Cambridge University Press.<\/p>\n [5] HeinzBritannica \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 F\u00fczeyle \u00d6l\u00e7enler, Kerbela\u2019y\u0131 Unutanlar Yine Yan\u0131lacak…<\/p>","protected":false},"author":55,"featured_media":283787,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[286],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-283786","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-yazarlar"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/283786","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/55"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=283786"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/283786\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":283790,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/283786\/revisions\/283790"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/283787"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=283786"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=283786"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=283786"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
\nG\u00fcvenlik Uzman\u0131
\n\u0130stanbul, 15 Mart 2026<\/p>\n
\n“Encyclopedia Britannica”<\/p>\n
\n“Encyclopedia Britannica”<\/p>\n
\nFarhad Daftary, The Isma\u02bfilis: Their History and Doctrines
\nHeinz Halm, The Empire of the Mahdi
\nMarshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam (ilgili b\u00f6l\u00fcmler).<\/p>\n
\nEmpire of the Mahdi, Brill.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"