{"id":281710,"date":"2026-01-20T05:35:29","date_gmt":"2026-01-20T05:35:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/?p=281710"},"modified":"2026-01-20T05:35:29","modified_gmt":"2026-01-20T05:35:29","slug":"kirlenmis-bir-dunyada-anadolu-irfani-ile-temiz-kalmak-ahlakin-askiya-alindigi-cagda-politik-bir-itiraz","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/kirlenmis-bir-dunyada-anadolu-irfani-ile-temiz-kalmak-ahlakin-askiya-alindigi-cagda-politik-bir-itiraz\/","title":{"rendered":"Staying Clean in a Polluted World with Anatolian Lore: A Political Appeal in an Age of Suspended Morality"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"\"Ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7a\u011f, yaln\u0131zca h\u0131z\u0131n, teknolojinin ya da enformasyonun \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 de\u011fildir. Daha derin ve daha tehlikeli bir olguyla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z: Ahl\u00e2k\u0131n sistematik olarak ask\u0131ya al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir siyasal rejimle. Bug\u00fcn \u201ckirlenmi\u015f d\u00fcnya\u201d<\/strong> dedi\u011fimiz \u015fey, bireysel yozla\u015fmalar\u0131n ya da k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmenin toplam\u0131 de\u011fildir; bu kirlenme, kurumsalla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, rasyonelle\u015ftirilmi\u015f ve me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ahl\u00e2k art\u0131k kamusal bir ilke de\u011fil; \u00f6zel alan\u0131n dekoratif bir s\u00fcs\u00fc olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. Devletler, \u015firketler, partiler ve hatta muhalif hareketler etik sorular\u0131 \u201czaman\u0131 de\u011fil\u201d<\/strong> diyerek ertelemekte, adaleti \u201c\u015fartlar olgunla\u015f\u0131nca\u201d<\/strong> konu\u015fulacak bir meseleye indirgemektedir. B\u00f6ylece siyaset, ahl\u00e2k \u00fcretme kapasitesini kaybetmi\u015f; yaln\u0131zca kriz y\u00f6netme ve g\u00fc\u00e7 tahkimi faaliyetine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm tesad\u00fcfi de\u011fildir. Neoliberalizm yaln\u0131zca bir ekonomi politikas\u0131 de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda bir ahl\u00e2k rejimidir. Bu rejimde insan, yurtta\u015f de\u011fil; performans g\u00f6steren bir \u00f6zne, \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclen bir veri, y\u00f6netilen bir risk unsurudur. G\u00fcncel siyaset, insan\u0131 ya \u201cg\u00fcvenlik tehdidi\u201d<\/strong> ya \u201cekonomik maliyet\u201d<\/strong> or \u201cse\u00e7im matemati\u011fi\u201d<\/strong> olarak kodlar. M\u00fclteci meselesinden i\u015fsizli\u011fe, kad\u0131n bedeninden gen\u00e7li\u011fin geleceksizli\u011fine kadar her konu bu \u00e7\u0131plak faydac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u00e7inde ele al\u0131n\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130ktidarlar bu tabloyu \u201czor zamanlar\u201d<\/strong> s\u00f6ylemiyle me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. S\u00fcrekli bir ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fcl\u00fck hali \u00fcretilir: Ter\u00f6r tehdidi, ekonomik kriz, d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fman, i\u00e7 d\u00fc\u015fman, beka s\u00f6ylemi\u2026 Ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fcl\u00fck kal\u0131c\u0131 hale geldik\u00e7e ahl\u00e2k ask\u0131ya al\u0131n\u0131r; hukuk esner, haklar ertelenir, vicdan susturulur. Michel Foucault\u2019nun tarif etti\u011fi biyopolitik ak\u0131l, bug\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131plak bi\u00e7imde i\u015flemektedir: Kim ya\u015fayacak, kim yoksulla\u015facak, kim g\u00f6rmezden gelinecek?<\/p>\n

Ancak bu noktada as\u0131l rahats\u0131z edici olan, muhalefetin bu rejime kar\u015f\u0131 etik bir kopu\u015f \u00fcretememesidir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz muhalefeti b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde iktidar\u0131n kurdu\u011fu dilin i\u00e7ine hapsolmu\u015ftur. G\u00fcvenlik\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemi sorgulamak yerine daha \u201cak\u0131lc\u0131\u201d<\/strong> g\u00fcvenlik vaatleri sunar; piyasac\u0131 d\u00fczeni ele\u015ftirmek yerine daha \u201cadil\u201d<\/strong> piyasa \u00f6nerir; otoriterli\u011fi reddetmek yerine daha \u201cyumu\u015fak\u201d<\/strong> bir y\u00f6netim hayali kurar.<\/p>\n

Bu, bir alternatif \u00fcretmek de\u011fil; mevcut d\u00fczenin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde daha iyi bir y\u00f6netici olma arzusudur. Oysa etik siyaset, mevcut s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 kabul etmekle de\u011fil; o s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n me\u015fruiyetini sorgulamakla ba\u015flar.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn siyaset, ahl\u00e2k\u0131n alan\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p bir teknik uzmanl\u0131k meselesine indirgenmi\u015ftir. Kim daha iyi ileti\u015fim kuruyor, kim daha iyi kriz y\u00f6netiyor, kim daha iyi kampanya yap\u0131yor? Bu sorular, \u201cne do\u011frudur?\u201d, \u201cne adildir?\u201d, \u201ckimin hayat\u0131 korunmal\u0131d\u0131r?\u201d<\/strong> gibi temel etik sorular\u0131n yerini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece siyaset, de\u011ferler m\u00fccadelesi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar; y\u00f6netim sanat\u0131 haline gelir.<\/p>\n

Tam da bu noktada Anadolu irfan\u0131, romantik bir nostalji de\u011fil; radikal bir siyasal imk\u00e2n olarak yeniden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmelidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu gelenek, siyaseti ahl\u00e2ktan koparmayan nadir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel damarlardan biridir.<\/p>\n

Haji Bektash Veli's \u201c\u0130ncinsen de incitme\u201d<\/strong> ilkesi, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn siyaseti a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan son derece rahats\u0131z edicidir. Zira \u00e7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda iktidar, incitmeyi bilin\u00e7li bir stratejiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. A\u015fa\u011f\u0131lama, damgalama, kriminalize etme, lin\u00e7 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc; bunlar tesad\u00fcf de\u011fil, y\u00f6netim teknikleridir. Medya dili, sosyal medya algoritmalar\u0131 ve yarg\u0131 pratikleri bu incitme rejimini s\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcretir.<\/p>\n

Muhalefet ise \u00e7o\u011fu zaman bu \u015fiddet dilini k\u00f6kten reddetmek yerine, ayn\u0131 dili \u201chakl\u0131 \u00f6fke\u201d<\/strong> kisvesiyle yeniden dola\u015f\u0131ma sokar. Oysa incitmemek, edilgen bir bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131ll\u0131k de\u011fil; tahakk\u00fcm mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 reddeden aktif bir politik duru\u015ftur. \u015eiddetin dilini reddetmek, iktidar\u0131n en temel me\u015fruiyet arac\u0131n\u0131 elinden almakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Yunus Emre\u2019nin insan anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f siyasal teoriler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da son derece \u00f6\u011freticidir. \u0130nsan, Yunus\u2019ta ne devletin hammaddesidir ne de piyasan\u0131n girdisi. \u0130nsan, ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na de\u011ferdir. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, bug\u00fcn veri politikalar\u0131yla, g\u00f6zetim teknolojileriyle ve algoritmik y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imleriyle ku\u015fat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f insanl\u0131k i\u00e7in son derece radikal bir kar\u015f\u0131 duru\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

G\u00fcncel tart\u0131\u015fmalara bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, yapay zek\u00e2dan sosyal yard\u0131mlara kadar her alanda insan\u0131n bir \u201coptimizasyon problemi\u201d<\/strong>ne indirgenmesi tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir. \u0130nsan hayat\u0131 maliyet\u2013fayda hesaplar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7ine s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, etik kararlar teknik tercihlere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Yunus\u2019un yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ise bu indirgemecili\u011fi k\u00f6kten reddeder.<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

Hac\u0131 Bekta\u015f Veli\u2019nin kimlikler \u00fcst\u00fc ahl\u00e2k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, bug\u00fcn kimlik siyasetiyle y\u00f6netilen d\u00fcnyaya do\u011frudan bir ele\u015ftiridir. Modern iktidarlar toplumu par\u00e7alayarak y\u00f6netir; muhalefet ise \u00e7o\u011fu zaman bu par\u00e7alanmay\u0131 a\u015fmak yerine kendi par\u00e7as\u0131n\u0131 daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Oysa ahl\u00e2k, aidiyetlerin de\u011fil; eylemlerin niteli\u011fiyle ilgilidir.<\/p>\n

Pir Sultan Abdal\u2019\u0131n \u201ce\u011fri zamanda do\u011fru yerde durmak\u201d<\/strong> \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz entelekt\u00fcelleri i\u00e7in h\u00e2l\u00e2 ge\u00e7erlidir. Bug\u00fcn do\u011fru yerde durmak, yaln\u0131zca iktidara kar\u015f\u0131 olmak de\u011fil; iktidar\u0131n dilini yeniden \u00fcretmemektir. Sessizli\u011fin makul, uyumun erdem say\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00e7a\u011fda etik tutum, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak rahats\u0131z edici olur.<\/p>\n

\u00c2\u015f\u0131k Veysel\u2019in insan\u0131 hor g\u00f6rmeye kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fckseltti\u011fi ses, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131fsal e\u015fitsizliklerine do\u011frudan seslenir. Yoksulluk art\u0131k bir kader de\u011fil; bilin\u00e7li politikalar\u0131n sonucudur. Buna ra\u011fmen yoksullar ahl\u00e2ken su\u00e7lanmakta, ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131k bireysel kusur gibi sunulmaktad\u0131r. Bu, neoliberal ahl\u00e2k\u0131n en kirli y\u00fcz\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

Ne\u015fet Erta\u015f\u2019\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcr vurgusu, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcr end\u00fcstrisi\u201d<\/strong> tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131yla birlikte okunmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130ktidarlar k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc y\u00f6netmek ister ama \u00fcretemez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u00fclt\u00fcr, emirle de\u011fil; deneyimle do\u011far. Bask\u0131c\u0131 rejimler bu y\u00fczden sanat\u0131 taklit eder, folkloru vitrinde sergiler ama ruhunu kaybeder.<\/p>\n

Mahzuni \u015eerif\u2019in insan sevgisi, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde s\u0131k\u00e7a depolitize edilen \u201csevgi\u201d<\/strong> kavram\u0131n\u0131 yeniden siyasalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Sevgi, e\u015fitsizlik kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda tarafs\u0131z kalamaz. Sevgi, adalet talep eder. Bu y\u00fczden ger\u00e7ek sevgi, iktidar\u0131 rahats\u0131z eder.<\/p>\n

Naz\u0131m Hikmet\u2019in vatan anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, bug\u00fcn milliyet\u00e7ilik \u00fczerinden kurulan bask\u0131c\u0131 politikalara g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir panzehirdir. Vatan, ele\u015ftirinin susturuldu\u011fu bir alan de\u011fil; d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin ye\u015ferdi\u011fi bir ortak ya\u015famd\u0131r. Ahmed Arif\u2019in yaral\u0131 dizeleri, onuru zedelenmi\u015f toplumlar\u0131n kolektif haf\u0131zas\u0131d\u0131r. Ya\u015far Kemal\u2019in bar\u0131\u015f \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 ise, bitmeyen sava\u015f s\u00f6ylemlerine kar\u015f\u0131 insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n son nefesidir.<\/p>\n

B\u00fct\u00fcn bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel miras bize \u015funu s\u00f6yler:
\nAhl\u00e2k, siyasetin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda de\u011fildir. Ahl\u00e2k yoksa siyaset vard\u0131r ama adalet yoktur.
\nKirlenmi\u015f bir d\u00fcnyada tertemiz kalmak, bug\u00fcn bir ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f de\u011fil; a\u00e7\u0131k bir siyasal tercihtir. Bu tercih, iktidara benzememeyi, muhalefetin konforuna s\u0131\u011f\u0131nmamay\u0131 ve ahl\u00e2k\u0131 ertelememeyi gerektirir.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bazen en b\u00fcy\u00fck siyasal cesaret,
\ng\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak de\u011fil,
\nhakl\u0131 kalmay\u0131 \u0131srarla s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektir.<\/p>\n

Karde\u015f\u00e7e\u2026<\/strong>
\nBu \u00e7a\u011fda vicdan\u0131n\u0131 iktidara, konfora ya da korkuya teslim etmeyen herkese.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bazen en b\u00fcy\u00fck siyasal cesaret, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak de\u011fil, hakl\u0131 kalmay\u0131 \u0131srarla s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmektir.<\/p>","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":281711,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[286],"tags":[289],"class_list":{"0":"post-281710","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-yazarlar","8":"tag-manset"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/281710","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/14"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=281710"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/281710\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":281713,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/281710\/revisions\/281713"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/281711"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=281710"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=281710"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=281710"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}