The memory of Turkish politics is written not only with names, but also with the nicknames that stick to those names.<\/p>\n
Instead of telling, people label. They don't make long sentences; they leave a nickname.<\/p>\n
Sometimes these names are the product of love, sometimes of anger, sometimes of a conscious political strategy. What we call a nickname sometimes elevates a leader, sometimes degrades him, but in any case it touches on a truth.<\/p>\n
When you flip through the black and white pages, one of the first names you come across is \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc.<\/p>\n
\u201cWhen they say \u201dNational Chief\u201c, what they mean is this: This man's word is law and cannot be challenged. It does not mean love, but distance. When \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc is mentioned, the term \u201dNational Chief\" is remembered almost more than his name. It is a title that summarizes the spirit of an era, the understanding of the state and the style of politics in one word.<\/p>\n
The term \u201cBa\u015fbu\u011f\u201d used for Alparslan T\u00fcrke\u015f, although a bit obligatory, a bit forced, has become established over time and identified with the name T\u00fcrke\u015f. If one is called \u201cBa\u015fbu\u011f\u201d or \u201cA\u011fa\u201d, there is no discussion, no questioning, there is an expectation to fall in line.<\/p>\n
A similar situation applies to General Cemal G\u00fcrsel, who became the President of the National Unity Committee after the May 27, 1960 Revolution and was elected the 4th President of the Republic of Turkey. He was called \u201cCemal Aga\u201d or simply \u201cAga\u201d. This address summarizes the military-political relationship of the period.<\/p>\n
The picture gets richer when we move from black-and-white to color.<\/p>\n
\u201cIf it's called \u201dKarao\u011flan\u201c, people say: He is one of us. There is ownership and closeness. According to dear Bar\u0131\u015f Yarkada\u015f, it was his grandmother who gave B\u00fclent Ecevit the nickname \u201dKarao\u011flan\u201c. Since then, Ecevit has always remained \u201dKarao\u011flan\" in the minds of the people.<\/p>\n
S\u00fcleyman Demirel, another powerful name of the same period, was called by three different names depending on the context. \u201cBaba\u201d, \u201c\u00c7oban S\u00fcl\u00fc\u201d and \u201cKing of Dams\u201d were not said for nothing. He was embraced with one and ridiculed with the other; in other words, he was both embraced and kept at a distance. Each of them described a different side of Demirel's politics.<\/p>\n
Necmettin Erbakan, who was widely accepted in Islamic circles, was called \u201cMujahid\u201d. From time to time, the address \u201cHodja\u201d was also used. However, depending on the intention of the user, this designation sometimes carried a religious meaning, sometimes an academic one.<\/p>\n
A little closer, we come across Selahattin Demirta\u015f, a prominent figure in the Kurdish political movement. \u201cSelo\u201d, a shortening of his name, became widespread, especially among Kurds, and over time the term \u201cSelo President\u201d became established. Nicknames like \u201cSelo\u201d are born out of standing side by side; they build intimacy, not fear.<\/p>\n
And the name that has marked the last quarter century: Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan.<\/p>\n
\u201cReis\u201d to some, \u201cTall Man\u201d to others, \u201cdictator\u201d to others - although we don't want to write it here -... Erdo\u011fan is one of the leaders who has as many dislikes as he has lovers, and for this reason he has generated the most nicknames. The word \u201cReis\u201d came spontaneously when power was concentrated in one hand; there is fear as well as love, silence as well as loyalty.<\/p>\n
Opposing him was Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu, presented as the symbol of the struggle for \u201crights, law and justice\u201d. The term \u201cMr. Kemal\u201d, which Erdo\u011fan used to belittle him, unexpectedly fell somewhere else. It replaced the existing power without shouting. K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu managed to turn this address in his favor.<\/p>\n
In time, he was called \u201cGandhi Kemal\u201d; the March for Justice further strengthened this comparison. He signaled a form of politics that did not imply immunity, that did not distance itself, that stood side by side. That's why he was called \u201cPiro\u201d and \u201cDede\u201d; not commanding but guiding, not frightening but listened to. The people showed that power is not always built by shouting and intimidation.<\/p>\n
Of course, the list can be extended. There are countless examples of how many leaders who have left their mark on Turkish political history are remembered.<\/p>\n
And now let's come to the last name...
\nTo Ozgur Ozel.<\/p>\n
There is no nickname for \u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zel. Because what you call a nickname is a short summary of leadership. \u00d6zel could not come up with a leadership story. Unless there is a clear story to tell, the word will not fit. Again, the public does not tell a long story; they look, weigh and leave a word.<\/p>\n
Despite this, the most striking term that has been applied to \u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zel so far has been \u201cShady \u00d6zel\u201d. This label came from President Erdo\u011fan himself. It seems that if this line does not change, \u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zel's memorable nickname will be \u201c\u015eaibeli \u00d6zg\u00fcr\u201d, \u201c\u015eaibeli \u00d6zel\u201d or \u201c\u015eaibeli Genel Ba\u015fkan\u201d.<\/p>\n
For now, he may be called the \u201cshady chairman\u201d. However, when the Parliament starts to open the pages for the \u201cdue process\u201d of the proceedings, it is possible that we will witness much more severe names.<\/p>\n
Turkish politics has shown us this time and time again:
\nNicknames are not in vain.
\nIn time they will either fall...
\nOr they are engraved on the leader's forehead.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
Turkish politics has shown us this time and time again: Nicknames do not stick for nothing. They either fall off over time... Or they are engraved on the leader's forehead.<\/p>","protected":false},"author":13,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[286],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-280597","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","6":"category-yazarlar"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/280597","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/13"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=280597"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/280597\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":280598,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/280597\/revisions\/280598"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=280597"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=280597"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=280597"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}