There are certain turning points in Turkish politics that determine the fate of parties. For the CHP, one of these turning points was the inclusive democratization drive launched by Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu during his presidency.<\/p>\n
This vision touched Turkey's ignored social fault lines. It proposed bold and peaceful solutions to chronic problems. Today, the CHP leadership is neither ideologically nor strategically able to sustain this legacy. Instead of bringing the party together with broad segments of society, \u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zel's style of politics limits, shrinks and corners the party.
\nTo be realistic: This route will not make the CHP the first party; it will drag it into a threshold struggle.<\/p>\n
There is a section within the CHP that positions itself in the name of Atat\u00fcrkism. However, this approach moves away from Atat\u00fcrk's inclusive and rational approach to politics.<\/p>\n
\u201cWe are Atat\u00fcrk's soldiers\u201d may be an expression of loyalty. But Atat\u00fcrk's politics is not based on militarism, but on an understanding that unites society and is based on citizenship.
\nUnfortunately, some circles today have turned Kemalism into a wall that excludes ethnic identities, sees Alevis and Kurds as potential threats and divides society into \u201cus and them\u201d.
\nThe math is simple: Without Alevis, the CHP cannot become the first party. Without Kurdish voters, it cannot even become a ruling partner. This is not an ideology; it is the naked truth.<\/p>\n
K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu's leadership was not perfect. But there is no doubt that he launched the most inclusive democratic society project of the last 30 years.
\nHe brought the democratic solution to the Kurdish issue to the political center.
\nHe offered the Alevi community a perspective of equal citizenship.
\nHe gathered a large pool of voters from the center-right to social democrats under the CHP umbrella.
\nHe has established a calm but effective soft power policy that reduces polarization.<\/p>\n
Today, \u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zel's pushing this legacy to the background is weakening the CHP both socially and politically. There is no strategy; there is no vision. There is only an opposition profile that speaks according to the wind of the day.<\/p>\n
\u00d6zel's politics is focused on staying on the agenda and making hard hits. Camera moves may be a tool, but they cannot be the backbone to keep the party afloat.<\/p>\n
Today it is the CHP's;
\nIt has no policy for social peace,
\nIt has no solution proposal for Kurdish and Alevi problems,
\nIt has no vision of a structural link between the economy and democracy,
\nNo long-term growth strategy.<\/p>\n
A party, especially a historical party like the CHP, grows with its story and vision. Today, the CHP has neither a story, nor a mind, nor a direction. Parties without a direction, at best, stand still; at worst, face the risk of a threshold.<\/p>\n
\u00d6zel's decision not to send a CHP representative to the \u0130mral\u0131 commission caused a loss of trust among Kurdish voters because it did not offer a vision of democratization. The CHP appeared to be an actor that only reacted and did not produce solutions.<\/p>\n
The decision stood out as a public \u201ctough stance\u201d and PR move. But it fell short of producing a solution. In such critical processes, the CHP should have been present at every stage, witnessed the conversations and shown the capacity to produce the healthiest decision for the country.<\/p>\n
The CHP's return to the first party depends on three things:<\/p>\n
Kemalism only gains meaning when it recalls Atat\u00fcrk's understanding of citizenship and his inclusive vision. The CHP's growth and hope for power is only possible if it returns to the historical door opened by K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu. Otherwise, even passing the threshold, let alone becoming the first party, becomes a risky prospect.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
\u00d6zel's politics is focused on staying on the agenda and making hard hits. Camera moves may be a tool, but they cannot be the backbone to keep the party afloat.<\/p>","protected":false},"author":52,"featured_media":280006,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[286],"tags":[],"class_list":{"0":"post-280005","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-yazarlar"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/280005","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/52"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=280005"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/280005\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":283563,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/280005\/revisions\/283563"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/280006"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=280005"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=280005"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=280005"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}