It is natural for Mr. Özgür Özel, the Chairman of the CHP, to shape the journey to power for his party according to his own political line, as the social opposition matures and the political power of politics increases by defining the problems in social life against the government. It may also be natural to criticize the harassment, rape, drugs, cults taking advantage of the opportunities of political power and the transformation of Islamic-terrorist organizations in the Middle East into a power throughout the country.
It is natural that the racist and fascist outlets created by the Turco-Turkish fascism in the country indirectly, if not directly, emphasize the fact that the practices of the racist and fascist outlets disturbing the society cause wounds in the society that are difficult to cure. It may be a political outlet to complain about the behaviors that threaten the society and social life of the Cults supporting the Islamic-Terrorist organizations ISIS, Hamas, Taliban, HTS and the common coalition of Political-Islam in alliance with the Turco-Turkish fascism.
What will he say about the Koçgiri Massacre with Topal Osman, whom he says “I am the grandson of E. İmamoğlu”, and many other bandit groups, just after the 1921 Constitution? Özgür Özel, who says “we recognize those problems” when Alevis and Kurds say “we have problems”, what will he say about the German mandate decision at the Izmir Economic Congress before the 1924 Constitution and the Eastern Reform Plan, which was the denial of the Kurdish people? Will he have a discourse for his party on the Dersim Massacre and the recent massacres in Malatya, Maraş, Sivas, Çorum, Madımak, Gazi, Gezi and the denial and extermination project towards the genocide of Kızılbaş-Alevis?
Is it right to remain silent on the Kurdish anti-people rhetoric of Cemal Enginyurt, Ümit Dikbayır, Hacı clown Tanju Özcan, who represents many fascists and skullcasters he transferred to his party, and who gush out like a cesspool with their nonsense? Was it not the ideologies that these fascists defended yesterday against those who put the babies in the bellies of pregnant women on bayonet points in Koçgiri and Dersim, against those who raped their women and girls and ordered them to change their skin, against the young girls of Dersim who held hands and surrendered themselves to the mercy of the Munzurun so that the enemy's hand would not touch us, against those who threw babies into boiling cauldrons of water in Maraş, scalded and murdered them? How quickly this fascist mob became democrats. But it is easy to target others as “baby killers”. However, it will not be enough to criticize today without recognizing that the roots of today's deficient practices lie in the phenomena that were added with the founding of the Republic and carried to the present day.
Moreover, how sincere is Özgür Özel's statement “We have a Kurdish problem, we take care of that problem” when many local administrators in his base and within his party are hostile to the forces of democracy and the Kurdish people? CHP Chairman Özgür Özel should first adapt his discourse, which he has designated as a political engagement, to the politics of his party. Then he should reinforce his rhetoric in local organizations, silence the anti-people nonsense in local governments, catch the style of managing his party and integrate with the problems of the country. Is it possible to just say nice words that sound good and get through the day? After all, wasting the support of the oppressed, just and oppressed peoples, whose votes it receives, by bargaining with the hardened Turanist-Turkish fascist parties and personalities is incompatible with the seriousness of defending the problems of that country in the political arena.
Aside from Özgür Özel's politicization of the Palestinian issue and social issues from time to time, Özgür Özel, who cannot control the behavior of his base, which is clearly seen in the provincial-district administrations that are hostile to the forces of democracy, Kızılbaş-Alevis, Kurdish people, and the local administrators and fascist deputies within it, is not sincere in his statement that Deniz Gezmiş, who shouted “Long live the brotherhood of the Kurdish and Turkish peoples” on the deathbed, is ours. If CHP deputies had not voted for the execution of Deniz and his comrades, that death sentence would not have passed the parliament. And wasn't the much praised Karaoğlan in power during the Malatya, Maraş, Sivas and Çorum massacres? What did he do? But in the Operation Return to Life, he managed to sign the murder of 28 Revolutionary-Socialists in dungeons, didn't he? It was the same person who said “These are yellow leftists” against socialists chanting slogans at rallies. Deniz Gezmiş's name belongs to the resisting Revolutionary-Socialists; let the reformists within the order do their own work.
Although it is the work of the 71st and 80th juntas, the D. Baykal process of the CHP is a completely different process in itself. D. Baykal was the architect of an epoch that enabled the Erdoğan-Gülen fascism to take hold in the country after the Ana-Yol, Ana-Left rule and ensured the continuation of the whole power until today with the thirteen-year rule of K. Kılıçdaroğlu. This process was in response to the AKP's defeat in the 2015 elections and the forty days of exploratory talks with Davutoglu, followed by the policies of the Six-Party Talks, which responded to the state's need for power in the Middle East. This is the natural result if politics is made from people like H. Ufuk Çakır, who was bought off by the Erdoğan-Gülen fascism by juggling the latest juggling act. Because in the Middle East and Third World countries, the ballot box and elections are not decisive. The only institution that is decisive is the YSK. In other words, it determines the form of power that the state needs in this way. So has Mr. Özgür managed to overcome this path, and if so, by which methods will he come to power?