In Turkey, congregations and sects are not just religious or social groups; throughout history they have been power centers that have shaped the social fabric, economic weight and politics. From the founding of the Republic to the present day, these power centers have been in constant tension with the secular and egalitarian structure of the state. As we discuss this issue today, we have to see the traces of the past, the current threats and the possible risks of the future together.
Closure of Dervish Lodges and Zawiyas and Alevi Community
The closure of dervish lodges and lodges in the early years of the Republic was the most tangible manifestation of the state's will to achieve social equality and independence from religious authorities. This step not only limited the political influence of Ottoman religious institutions, but also opened a historic opportunity for Alevi communities. Defending the principle of secularism against centuries of discrimination meant equal citizenship and freedom for Alevis. During the War of Independence and the founding of the Republic, Alevis offered strong support to Atatürk and the nation-building process.
In centers such as the Hacı Bektaş Veli Dervish Lodge, Alevi grandfathers welcomed Atatürk and showed their loyalty and moral support to him, contributing to the strengthening of the egalitarian and secular vision of the Republic within society. For this reason, Alevis went down in history not only as a marginalized community, but also as an active force that demonstrated through their actions that they embraced the founding values of the Republic.
In contrast, sects, with their closed hierarchy and leader-oriented structures, failed to internalize the secular and egalitarian principles of the Republic, clashed with the modern state and individual freedom, and often prioritized their own interests. This contrast has made a critical difference in shaping the social and political balance in Turkey.
Parallel Forces Against the Republic and Secularism
In Turkey, congregations can play a critical and risky role in the state, politics and economy, as seen in the examples of Menzil, İsmailağa and FETÖ. The existence of sects is not a threat in itself; the real danger is their erosion of the secular foundations of the Republic by creating a parallel power in state cadres, the younger generation, the business world and social life. Secularism ensures the independence of the state from religious authorities and grounds the social order on equality and freedom. The modernization process that began with the proclamation of the Republic drew clear boundaries between the state and social life and prepared the infrastructure for raising free individuals.
However, we see some structures crossing these boundaries and developing economic, social and political influence; this is one of the most serious social and political tensions in modern Turkey. Atatürk's vision aims to put social life on modern foundations, to secure individual freedoms and to preserve the secular state. It is therefore imperative that merit, transparency and oversight prevail in all areas of the state in order to limit the potential negative influence of the communities.
Multi-Party Era and the Rapprochement of Sects with Politics
The transition to multi-party life in the 1950s paved the way for sects to become visible in politics. Menderes established close relations with the sects to gain support from the religious base in the elections. Erbakan directly integrated the sects into politics with the Milli Nizam and Salamat parties. During the Demirel, Ecevit and Özal eras, sects expanded their sphere of influence, either indirectly or directly. Today, under Erdoğan's leadership, sects play a decisive role in both the political base and the bureaucracy. History shows us that sects are not just religious communities but have become permanent and strategic actors in Turkish politics.
Nurcu Groups and Current Threats
Beginning with Said Nursi's Risale-i Nur corpus, Nurist movements strengthened their social presence through education and publishing. From the 1960s onwards, they began to exert indirect political influence. Today, congregations play an interventionist role not only in state cadres but also in the society at large. They impose their lifestyle on people, suggest that secular celebrations should not take place at social events, and put pressure on individuals by saying ’don't celebrate Christmas, don't attend secular events“. This directly threatens the secular and secular life of modern Turkey.
The situation is more critical in the field of education. Through collaborations with the Ministry of Education, private schools, scholarship programs and summer schools, students are guided according to their own ideology. Instead of questioning and free thinking, the younger generation is exposed to the values of a leader-oriented and closed hierarchy. In some schools, students are directed to community clubs and other ideas and lifestyles are suppressed. This deepens social polarization and threatens the vision of secular, egalitarian education.
Impacts on Economy, Bureaucracy and State
Congregations can influence politics through economic power and social base. Some announce direct support in elections; others shape preferences by conveying indirect messages to their base. In the case of FETÖ, this strategy turned into state infiltration and a coup attempt. Although structures such as Menzil and İsmailağa are not as radical as FETÖ, they use their political influence through their economic and social power. Menzil operates in the energy, construction and media sectors, while İsmailağa contacts political actors through its foundations and real estate holdings. FETÖ, on the other hand, broke away from a branch of the Nurcu tradition, infiltrated the state through educational institutions, associations, financial networks and media outlets, and attempted to take over strategic positions. The July 15, 2016 coup attempt is the most extreme example of how communities can establish parallel structures under the guise of “civil society”.
Social Pressure and Cultural Interventions
In recent years, communities have been making discursive interventions on social lifestyle. In particular, concerts, theater performances and cultural events are canceled or restricted. This threatens individual freedom of expression, social diversity and secular culture and prevents young generations from growing up as modern individuals.
Cult Influences in Ministries: The Case of the Ministry of Health
Allegations about the influence of sects and communities on the state bureaucracy in Turkey have been debated for many years. In particular, allegations that the Menzil sect is influential in the Ministry of Health have been raised in the media and in parliament. Some journalists and analyses have claimed that members of the sect have been staffed within the Ministry of Health and associated with the ministry. MPs have also submitted parliamentary questions on whether there are Menzil-linked appointments and a network of references in the Ministry of Health, but these questions have at times gone unanswered. While these allegations have not been directly confirmed by official data or independent investigation reports, they have been a source of serious public debate on the use of religious networks as a reference for bureaucratic appointments.
The State's Duty and Solution Proposals
The organized presence of congregations in state cadres and social life undermines meritocracy and transparency, leads to the instrumentalization of politics, uncontrolles the economic and political sphere of influence, deepens social polarization, creates anti-secularist effects in education and cultural areas, and puts pressure on individual life. The solution is clear: state cadres should be appointed on the basis of merit and transparency, the financial structures of congregations should be audited and open to public scrutiny, politics should not allow any structure to be instrumentalized, and strict controls should be implemented in the fields of education and youth against the formation of parallel structures. Society should not forget the bitter lessons learned from the FETÖ experience and be vigilant against similar mistakes.
Protecting republican values and Atatürk's principles is the strongest way to secure Turkey's future. The closed and leader-oriented structures of sects often clash with the goals of the modern and secular state. The state must be single and independent, and the principles of sovereignty, merit and law are indispensable. The FETÖ experience taught us this lesson at a very high price. It is time to take precautions by looking to the future, not the past. The state cannot be manipulated by parallel hierarchies once again; otherwise disaster is inevitable for democracy, public order, secular lifestyles and the upbringing of young generations as free individuals.