The epoch we are living in is the name of a period in which the historical laws of capitalism crystallize, not its accidental crises. As a necessary consequence of its internal contradictions, the capitalist mode of production centralizes, concentrates and concentrates capital in fewer and fewer hands, acquiring a monopolistic character. This process is not only an economic trend, but also the fundamental determinant of a political, military and ideological restructuring. When monopoly capital transcends national borders and establishes a global network of domination, competition is no longer between individual capitalists, but between gigantic monopolies of capital. The conflicts of interest of these monopolies turn into wars of division at the international level. Wars of division are therefore not “exceptional” periods of capitalism, but the necessary products of its most mature and aggressive stage.
Bugün yaşadığımız Üçüncü Paylaşım Savaşı, klasik anlamda devletler arası bir savaş değil; Küresel tekelci sermaye ile onun bölgesel işbirlikçi sınıfları arasındaki yeniden paylaşım mücadelesidir. Dünya gelirinin %80’inin dünya nüfusunun %20’si tarafından alınması, bu %20’nin içinde ise yalnızca %7’lik bir kesimin yerel işbirlikçi elitlerden oluşması, sınıfsal yapının ne kadar keskinleştiğini gösterir. Bu tablo, kapitalizmin tarihsel eğiliminin doğrulandığı bir noktadır: sermaye birikimi hızlandıkça, paylaşım alanı daralır; paylaşım alanı daraldıkça, tekelci sermaye kendi iç çelişkilerini savaş yoluyla çözmeye yönelir. Bu nedenle bugün yaşanan çatışmalar, görünürde etnik, mezhepsel veya bölgesel gibi sunulsa da, özünde tekelci sermayenin küresel yeniden yapılanma hamlesinin parçasıdır.
It is no coincidence that the Middle East is at the center of this war. Most of the energy resources are concentrated here, global trade routes pass through this geography, and the US, EU, Russia and China axes are confronting each other here. But what is really decisive is that the local collaborationist classes in the region have assumed the subcontractorship of global capital. These classes are positioned according to the interests of global capital, not against their own people. Therefore, the war in the Middle East is not a war of the peoples, but a struggle for redistribution between monopoly capital and its regional apparatuses. The visible face of this war is the States, but the real actors are the monopolies of global capital.
When we look at the historical cycles of capitalism, we see that wars of division occur at regular intervals. The First War of Partition took place between 1914-1918, the Second War of Partition between 1939-1945. The Third War of Partition is a long period of redistribution that began with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 and has lasted until today. Rather than frontal battles in the classical sense, this war is characterized by regional fragmentation, proxy wars, economic embargoes, control of energy lines, financial manipulations and struggles for ideological hegemony. As the crisis cycles of capitalism prolong, the form of wars becomes protracted, low-intensity and multi-layered.
This historical trend shows that the fourth war of division will be centered in Africa. The African continent is the region with the largest reserves of precious elements, mineral reserves, gold reserves, the youngest population and the largest exploitation areas of underground and aboveground wealth of the 21st century. China's young Belt and Road investments, the US military bases, the EU's neo-colonial trade agreements, Russia's security companies and Gulf capital's agro-soil investments make it clear that the continent is the sharing area of the future. Therefore, after completing the restructuring in the Middle East, monopoly capital will engage in a protracted struggle for hegemony in Africa. Another aspect of this ongoing conflict in the Middle East is that the three wars of division in a hundred years are the inevitable result of the necessity of capitalism's expansion, with the aim of extending the life of monopoly capital a little longer and creating a historical period that will last for two hundred years.
In the face of this picture, the task of the working peoples of the world and the poor working class is clear: to globalize the struggle. Capital is globalized, production chains are globalized, finance is globalized, but working class organization is trapped within national borders. Therefore, the revolutionary task of the new era is to re-establish international working class solidarity, to ensure the global coordination of the Socialist struggle and to respond worldwide to the worldwide offensive of monopoly capital. A re-examination of the Marxist-Leninist manual will strengthen the theoretical basis for this struggle; it will become imperative to understand the current forms of imperialism, to decode the mechanisms of digital exploitation, to expose data colonization and to analyze new forms of proletarianization.
Today, there are two choices before the oppressed poor working peoples and humanity in general: either Barbarism or Socialism. The ecological collapse, the global income gap, the perpetuation of wars, the domination of humanity by technological monopolies and the impoverishment of billions of people make Socialism no longer an “alternative” but a historical necessity. For this reason, while passing through the Third War of Sharing, it will be decisive for the future of humanity to see the preparations for the Fourth War of Sharing and to weave a global revolutionary line against it.