In the internal reckoning of global capital, the Middle East is seen as a laboratory that needs to be redesigned. Since this geography is an area where both religious, political and class fragilities have been intertwined throughout history, it has become one of the most vulnerable regions to the intervention of global powers. Today's conflicts are not only inter-state tensions, but also the first act of a new global war of division. Energy resources, strategic transit routes and the necessity for capital to expand its market dominance are the basic dynamics of this war.
The attacks on Iran show that the historical sectarian divisions in the region are being reactivated. These attacks are not only a military move, but also an attempt to reshape the political-sectarian balance of the region. Many Islamic countries are isolating Iran due to historical sectarian calculations, and this isolation paves the way for global powers to increase their influence in the region. This is a clear indication of how the internal contradictions of the Middle East are being used by global capital.
The historical fault line from Suffin to Karbala still determines the political structure of the Middle East today. This historical conflict, which extends from the Battle of Siffin between Muawiya and Ali to Karbala, and from there to the Political-Islamic understanding of the Umayyad reign, is not just a difference of belief, but a rupture that determines the direction of the political power's struggle for legitimacy and statehood processes. Today, the isolation of Iran and the sectarian positions taken by many Islamic countries show that this historical division is still alive. The political-sectarian divide that began in Siffin continues to determine the policies of modern Middle Eastern states.
As global capital seeks to establish a new global order by removing Arab states from its sphere of influence, the Middle East has become the first front in this new war of division. Regional conflicts carried out through proxy wars, the redistribution of energy resources, cartels becoming more decisive than states and national sovereignties being shaped according to the interests of capital are the main features of this process. There are strong indications that the second front of this war will be Africa, where the fourth war of division will take place, which will be a continuation of the War of the Continents, because the global cartels unite in the reconcilable contradictions among themselves and put their irreconcilable contradictions in the refrigerator until they solve them through their collaborators or until another area is created.
The inability of any of the Arab states to form a national unity is the region's greatest structural weakness. The main reasons for this weakness are that political-Islam has become the state ideology, sects determine political decision-making mechanisms, the feudal-theocratic class structure has not modernized and the peoples cannot unite around a common national identity. For this reason, Arab states have turned into totalitarian political structures that are constantly changing direction between global powers, dependent on foreign powers and oppressive, sectarian and totalitarian at home. The isolation of Iran is a consequence of this structural weakness.
Monopoly capital feeds on blood. The historical functioning of capitalism has not changed, wars are the most effective means for capital to expand its market dominance and ensure its political continuity. Every drop of blood that flows in the Middle East is a gain for the coffers of global capital. War is not a crisis for capital, but an opportunity.
It is not the fight for division among the capitalist powers that will stop this blood-saturated order. The real power is the working class, the poor peasants, the layers of working people and the masses united against anti-democratic practices. When this power comes together, a handful of capital barons will have no historical power against the masses. History has repeatedly shown that no ruling class has ever been able to persist in the face of the organized struggle of the peoples.
As global capital increases its warmongering, it is preparing its own end. As the class alliance of oppressed peoples grows stronger, the decline of the bloodthirsty capitalist order will accelerate. The end of this order becomes visible precisely in its bloodiest periods, because history has a law that grows the peoples' quest for freedom even in its darkest moments.