The state is a class organization based on historical and scientific data. The state is an apparatus that rises above the relations of production in society, protects the property order and institutionalizes the interests of the ruling class. Although ostensibly defined by Constitutional institutions such as Technocrats, Bureaucrats, Defence, Legislative and Executive, all of these institutions are organized to maintain the interests of a Ruling class. Therefore, the State is not a neutral structure but the institutional expression of class interest. Although the visible face of the State is defined by Constitutional institutions, the invisible face is determined by bilateral treaties, intelligence organizations and international capital relations. The basic structure that determines the diplomatic, economic and political relations of each State is formed by bilateral treaties. These treaties are an invisible mechanism that determines the national and international orientations of the State. The real executor of the mechanism is the intelligence organizations of the States. Because intelligence is both the memory and the real decision-making centers of the State. The international agreements are briefed by the intelligence to the Technocrats, Bureaucrats, Defense mechanism, Legislative and Executive. Thus, all institutional structures of the State, although ostensibly equipped with Constitutional powers, in reality act within the framework determined by intelligence. Therefore, while the institutional structures of the State are empowered by Constitutional formations, at the same time every State has a secret law, and this law is determined by the ruling class that rules the State.
The historical origins of the modern State were shaped by the dissolution of feudalism and the rise of capitalist relations of production. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the emergence of Nation-States was the result of the bourgeoisie's process of transforming its economic power into political power. The State became a necessary apparatus for securing capitalist relations of production. Therefore, the modern State assumed the protection of property, securing the accumulation of capital, controlling the Working Class and the Poor Working People and maintaining international capitalist relations as its main tasks. As capitalism became a world system, States began to function as local extensions of the network of Imperialist relations. From the beginning of the 20th century, Capitalism transcended national borders and established an Imperialist world system. In this system, States were restructured according to the interests of international capital. The internationalization of capital, the dominance of Finance-Capital on a world scale, the determination of State policies by multinational corporations, the direction of national Economies by institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank, and the transformation of intelligence agencies into global coordination mechanisms have largely eliminated the Economic and Political independence of States.
The Republic of Turkey was also shaped within this historical context. The period 1923-1950 was the period when State Capitalism and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie were formed. During this period, the State directly controlled the economic sphere in order to create a national bourgeoisie. However, this national bourgeoisie was not strong enough to create its own capital accumulation and was born as a structure dependent on foreign capital. The period 1950-1980 is the period of Turkey's full integration into the imperialist system. NATO membership, bilateral agreements with the USA, Marshall Aid and the multi-party political system determined Turkey's economic and political orientation. In this period, the class character of the State was combined with a capital accumulation model dependent on foreign capital. The 1980 Junta marked the beginning of Turkey's neoliberal transformation. The period 1980-2001 is the period when the domination of Finance-Capital in Turkey was institutionalized. Privatizations, deunionization, free finance and foreign borrowing opened Turkey to the full control of international capital. The period after the 2001 crisis is the period when Turkey's economic dependence deepened the most. The banking system came under the complete control of international financial institutions, the insurance sector became a subcontractor of global monopolies, and the economic policies of the state were determined by IMF prescriptions.
The banking system in Turkey has had a structure driven by international capital since its establishment. Most of the banks were established with foreign capital partnerships or transferred to foreign capital over time. Credit mechanisms have been structured to feed the consumption economy, not the production economy. The state has shaped the laws regulating the banking sector in line with the demands of international financial institutions. For this reason, banks protect the interests of capital, not the people; credit policies encourage borrowing, not production; economic crises occur due to international capital movements; and the economic policies of the State are determined in line with global, not national, interests. The insurance sector has developed with a similar distortion. The insurance system has been transformed from a mechanism that meets the security needs of the people into a profit center for international capital. National insurance companies have become subcontractors of global corporations, insurance funds have been directed not to production but to international financial markets, insurance premiums have been raised to levels that exceed the economic power of the people.
When this distorted economic structure is combined with the political and institutional functioning of the State, the triangle of State-Capital and Intelligence emerges. The State protects the interests of capital, capital determines the economic orientations of the State, and intelligence, as the invisible coordinator of this relationship, determines the direction of the State both internally and externally. No social segment outside this triangle can truly participate in the decision-making processes of the State. In Turkey, the concrete equivalent of this secret Constitution is the National Security Policy Document known as the “Red Book”. This document determines the State's internal and external threat analysis, security strategies and the actual functioning of the State. According to the Red Book, there are precise rules on who will take part in the state mechanism and who will not be assigned any duties. For this reason, there is no Kızılbaş-Alevi governor in Turkey, there is no Kızılbaş-Alevi staff officer, and no one is given high-level State posts without the approval of Intelligence. This situation shows that the State is a sectarian as well as class and identity exclusion mechanism.
The future deepening of class contradictions in Turkey is not due to a single cause, but to multi-layered structural dynamics that feed each other. The detachment from the production economy and financialization, the historical deterioration in income distribution, the growth of the precarious working class, the shift of the state towards a security structure, identity divisions covering the class reality and imperialist dependency are the main factors that sharpen class contradictions. Turkey's economy has gradually shifted away from production towards financial rent, construction, borrowing and consumption. This model weakens the productive classes, reduces the income share of workers, makes capital dependent on financial gains and makes the economy fragile. Income distribution has continuously worsened, the wealth of the richest one percent has increased while the real income of large sections of the working people has fallen. A large class of precarious, flexible, low-paid, non-unionized working class has emerged. The authoritarianization of the state and its strengthening of the security apparatus to suppress class contradictions make it difficult for social demands to be expressed through political channels. Identity, sectarian and cultural divisions are used as a veil over class contradictions. The dependence of the Turkish economy on foreign capital inflows and the smallest fluctuations in global financial flows have led to increased unemployment, higher inflation and deepening poverty.
Economic dependency and financialization is a process that radically transforms class relations. Financialization has replaced the classical industrial bourgeoisie with a comprador capital class that feeds on financial rent. This class does not enrich itself through production, but through borrowing and rent. It establishes organic ties with international capital and determines state policies accordingly. The economic security of the middle class disappears, credit debts, housing bubbles, consumption pressure and precariousness push the middle class downwards. Real wages of the poor working class fall, trade unions weaken, job security decreases, and labor exploitation increases. Financialization creates a mechanism that controls the population through debt; the indebted masses become silent, withdraw their demands and become dependent on the system. The state constantly borrows to cover budget deficits, borrowing puts the state under the control of international finance, makes economic policies dependent, cuts social expenditures and further impoverishes the Working People Classes. In Financialized Economies, crises make the rich richer and the poor poorer, dissolve the middle class and make the Working People Classes precarious. Therefore, financialization not only distorts class relations, but also increases the potential for conflict between classes.
Turkey's current class orientation is a natural continuation of historical processes. The ruling class in Turkey is a comprador bourgeoisie integrated with international capital. This class maintains an accumulation model based on financial rent, construction capital, foreign borrowing and consumption economy, not production economy. The economic policies of the state are not aimed at national development, but at protecting the profit rates of global capital in Turkey. While the banking and insurance sectors form the financial backbone of this dependency, intelligence organizations are the invisible coordinators of this structure. Turkey's class orientation expresses a structure disconnected from production, dependent on foreign capital, financialized and articulated to the imperialist system. For this reason, class contradictions are deepening in Turkey, income distribution is deteriorating, social inequality is increasing and the authoritarian tendency of the State is strengthening. The State-Capital and Intelligence triangle will continue to determine Turkey's future orientation. This orientation is characterized by continued dependence on international capital, increased financial vulnerabilities, suppression of social opposition and restructuring of the State through security policies. Turkey's class orientation is the natural consequence of a State structure that remains a local extension of the imperialist system.
The Law on Political Parties, the duty of the parties to control their base and the deputies of those to be elected to the legislature are shaped and designed according to the official ideology of the State, expressed in the Constitutional discourse, but essentially according to the predictions of the Red Book. The Base and the Ceiling of the parties are differentiated from this perspective. The political parties, which set out in the name of the Class Power State, have their own Bureaucracy, Technocracy and Legislature, party assemblies, party executive organs, and the floor and ceiling are determined between the elected. Therefore, in order to prevent the Intellectuals, Democrats, Progressives, Revolutionaries and Kizilbash-Alevis who expose the illegal side of the State and provide information to the grassroots from reflecting the real information to the grassroots, the fear of taking away their earned comforts by intimidating them with the Crime and Punishment law is raised. Therefore, those who receive support from their regions are no longer shaped according to their original identity, but according to the Recruited identity of the Official ideology. That is why no one speaks of the Illegal State organization and they show off from time to time in the difficult and disabled areas of the State in order to gain more prestige.
For example, a Revolutionary-Socialist, Intellectual, Democrat, Democrat, Progressive elected person who defends the Official ideology of the Class ruling the State, speaks of their demands from time to time, not with the identity with which he was elected, but with the identity with which he was recruited, in order to get the gas of the masses from which he received votes. His statements in this regard do not express the truth. For example, if a Kizilbash-Alevi who is not a governor or a staff member is forbidden according to the Red Book, when such a person takes office at the first level of the State, how will he command the governors, generals and force commanders, and how will he command the Prime Minister or the President at the National Security Council, his deputies, the ministers of Justice, National Defense, Interior and Foreign Affairs, the Chief of General Staff, and the commanders of the Land, Naval and Air Forces? However, those who are candidates for such positions must first clarify their true identities. Otherwise, they will be selling the masses who support them because of their true identity to the dominant class, the State and its official ideology in the field of politics.