The new structure of the global system is creating a profound transformation not only in the economic and technological fields but also at the social, political and ideological levels. This transformation both complicates and creates new opportunities for the struggle of oppressed peoples, the working class, women and all excluded social groups. This is why a revolutionary-socialist perspective needs a mind that not only analyzes but also develops a constitutive strategy to understand today's world.
The working class today is not a monocentric, homogeneous subject in the classical sense. Capitalism has consciously weakened the unity of the class by fragmenting, flexibilizing, precarizing and spatially dispersing the labor regime. The class is no longer just industrial workers in factories. We cannot pass by without seeing labor forces spread across many fields such as platform workers, couriers, workers in the digital platform economy, migrant workers, women in care work, invisible domestic labor, informal workers, agricultural workers, subcontracted laborers in war zones. They are all different links in the same chain of exploitation. Therefore, a revolutionary-socialist perspective has to redefine the class.
Class must be reconstructed not only in terms of position in the sphere of production, but also in terms of precarity, indebtedness, invisible labour, digital exploitation, militarization and the oppressive and multiple forms of oppression of male domination.
The women's liberation struggle is at the center of this new definition of class. Because male domination is one of the main pillars of capital accumulation both in the wage labor market and in the field of reproduction. Women's invisible labor, the burden of care, the concentration of women in low-paid jobs, domestic violence and militarism's control over women's bodies deepen in times of capitalist crisis. Women's rebellion is therefore directed not only against male violence, but also against the war regime, Religious-Nationalist ideology, State policies that sanctify the family and neoliberal precarity. A revolutionary-socialist perspective must see the feminist movement not as a secondary field, but as a constitutive axis of the class struggle.
The struggle of oppressed peoples is not only a demand for cultural recognition, it is a class struggle for land, resources, language, self-government, collective rights and anti-colonial resistance. The Palestinian people's struggle for freedom, the Kurdish people's demand for status and self-government, the indigenous peoples“ defense of land in Latin America, the post-colonial peoples” quest for independence in Africa and many other areas. Each of these is part of a historical resistance against the global capitalist order. For this reason, a revolutionary-socialist perspective must treat national issues not as "side issues" but as a fundamental component of the anti-imperialist struggle.
The way these alliances are organized must be multi-layered, multi-centered and multi-scaled. A single party model is insufficient to grasp today's fragmented labor regime and multiple forms of oppression. Instead, we need a networked, horizontal, but strategically coordinated organizational model between workers' organizations, women's organizations, ecological movements, local popular assemblies, migrant solidarity networks, trade unions, youth movements and digital platforms.
Local assemblies and councils must come to the fore as structures that produce both struggle and alternative governance experience. International revolutionary networks should create an international organization that is embodied through joint campaigns, mutual cadre exchanges, experience sharing, joint training programs and simultaneous actions, not an internationalism that remains at the level of declaration.
The Revolutionary-Socialist Struggle must be organized on three main issues.
1. This regime of war will be permanent. Therefore, not only the demand for “Peace” but also a concrete Counter-Program against the war economy, arms monopolies, military base policies and the effects of militarism poisoning the social fabric. Peace is not only the absence of war, but the existence of the right of peoples to self-determination, social equality and democratic self-government.
2. The Climate Crisis will unleash new waves of rebellion These rebellions will erupt spontaneously, but if they do not meet with an organized class perspective, they will either be suppressed or flow into Right-Populist channels. Therefore, an Eco-Socialist program is imperative. Expropriation of energy companies, social control of water and food resources, divestment from fossil fuels, support for local ecological resistances and the unification of the working class struggle with the climate justice movement.
3. Digital space will be the new field of exploitation. While digital platforms, algorithmic management, data monopolies and surveillance technologies make workers more invisible and precarious, they also offer opportunities for rapid coordination, information sharing and solidarity on a global scale. Therefore, Digital organizing must be defended against Digital exploitation, collective Digital rights against algorithmic domination, and social data ownership against data monopolies.
These three predictions require the Revolutionary-Socialist perspective not only to establish a line of defense, but also to sow the seeds of a new social order today. This order must be based not only on economic equality, but also on democratic self-government, social-gender freedom, ecological harmony, cultural plurality and the right of nations to self-determination. The rise of the oppressed people's forces can only be possible by organizing these multidimensional areas of struggle in a strategic unity.
To the extent that the revolutionary-socialist perspective is able to establish this unity, it will rise as a real alternative to the global capitalist order and become a force that not only criticizes but also builds.