Today, the Republican People's Party is quietly and deeply moving towards a fork in the road. But this is no longer a “big break”, a “new party”, an “internal revolt” that promises sensationalism from the outside. It is about preferences. Within the party itself, it is about which values will be prioritized, which voice will gain weight, which conscience will speak.
Will the CHP really get rid of the dirt, rust, rust, grime and sediment and look at itself? Will it question itself? Or will it get stuck in a line driven by short-term power calculations and a narrow circle of loud voices?
In fact, there is still a great silent majority in the party. People who carry the spirit of the ancient CHP, who lean on their principles rather than populism, who try to really get the party back on track instead of shouting, who give the party a shoulder rather than a burden...
Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu's recent outbursts point to this very point: Will the CHP be able to hear the voice of its own conscience today, not the noise? Will it continue to slide down an inclined plane, or will it find the courage to reverse it? Will the party be able to break free from the manipulative influence of online teams and return to its own will? Will it be able to re-establish a line where principled stance, not political communication, is decisive?
Will the party be able to avoid becoming the personal orbit of Ekrem İmamoğlu?
Will the party really be able to suspend the association of names with serious allegations against them “until they are cleared”?
And most importantly: Will the CHP really be able to get rid of being associated with bribery, corruption, and interest relations?
Burden of the Past, CHP's heaviest period
A critical threshold in the Kurdish issue is being discussed again today. While the process regarding the delegation to İmralı is taking shape, the CHP's decision not to be a member of this delegation seems like a principled stance at first glance. However, no decision in Turkish politics can be read independently from history.
As the left entered the 1990s, it faced a test at every point where it came into contact with the Kurdish issue. The expulsion of Kurdish MPs during the SHP period and their handing over to the police at the gates of the parliament was a threshold where the left's bond with the Kurdish electorate was deeply shaken, the base shifted, and the Kurds turned to building their own political organizations on a secular level. The effect of that rupture lasted for many years; the left's political roots in the region weakened and mutual distrust grew.
Again, its important local government success in 1989 was overshadowed by the infamous ISKI corruption scandal that emerged shortly afterwards. The left's claim of ’clean politics“ suffered a serious wound in the wider society. The elections, which were held before that wound could be healed, opened Turkey's path to a completely different government.
Again, the SHP-CHP merger of the mid-90s was not enough to gather the dispersed energy of the center left. The merger could not go beyond the name and the signboard; the left could not produce a new story, could not bridge the gap between itself and society. Then the Baykal era began and the party became more and more insular and narrowly nationalist. This line eroded not only the already weakening ties with the Kurds, but also any progressive ideas the left had to say to society as a whole. The party could not build a language that would give hope to the masses.
The fact that in 1999 it remained below the threshold and outside the Parliament for the first time in its history was a striking result of this deadlock. Since the left both narrowed its political vision and failed to show a new direction, it closed its path to power almost with its own hands.
Economic crises, unresolved social tensions, the turban issue, discussions on tutelage within the state, the fractures caused by February 28 and the sense of lawlessness... When the inability of the political class to solve the problems was added to all these, a new search was born in large segments of society. This search, combined with the victimizations of the period, opened the door to Erdoğan's rise and the AKP's long period in power.
Ecevit's coalition with the MHP and ANAP in the ’99 elections, his prime ministership and the periods of illness that followed... At the beginning of the 2000s, Turkish politics was already in a severe deadlock. Economic crises, the great collapse of 2001, hyperinflation, the disintegration of the financial system and Kemal Derviş's attempt to pull the country out of the bottleneck with the IMF-backed structural reform program... While this bitter prescription was being implemented, the inability of the political class to solve the problems fed a new search in society. The turban debates, tensions within the state tutelage, the fractures created by February 28 and the sense of lawlessness...
In the early elections, which were held before the fruits of the economic reforms had been realized, both the DSP, MHP and ANAP fell below the threshold, but the AKP was the political winner of the expectations of stability created by the structural decisions. While the former ruling parties bore the brunt of the economic wreckage, Erdoğan was the political beneficiary of the initial recovery. This picture, combined with the disorganization of the left, created the social ground that opened the door to AKP's long period in power.
The disorganized structure and the collapse of the center-left and center-right in the same years reinforced this picture. The DSP government was rapidly eroded by both the burden of the economic crisis and the controversies over the money laundering and misuse of state funds by some of Ecevit's associates. Moreover, the coalition balances had narrowed the political room for maneuver and reduced the capacity to find solutions to almost zero. This weakness in governance, coupled with Ecevit's health problems, eventually led to a dramatic collapse in the 2002 elections; the DSP fell to around 1 percent and the left was thrown into a vacuum from which it could not recover for a long time. The view that ’the left cannot be in power!“ became firmly entrenched in large sections of society.
It was precisely after this long blockage that the Kılıçdaroğlu era came. In order to overcome the invisible boundary that the CHP had been unable to break for years, Kılıçdaroğlu chose to talk to the uncontacted segments of society, to go to neighborhoods where there had never been a knock on the door.
In spite of Erdoğan's statement that “they cannot go beyond Sivas”, he went to the Southeast, a region that had been avoided for years. He made it possible for segments that seemed unlikely to vote for the party to vote for the party. The CHP's rapprochement with segments it had been distant from for years was the most critical element of the change that emerged in big cities in 2019 and 2024, and the real basis for the success it achieved. This success was not the result of the short 7-month period of work of today's administrations after Kılıçdaroğlu was sent out with his cycles; it was the result of years of Kılıçdaroğlu's patient contact politics, the marches for justice, and the long, thin road that was woven together. Moreover, this whole process took place in the years when the wind was blowing in Erdoğan's favor at home and abroad, when the turban debates had locked the politics and Erdoğan had almost turned into a symbol for the masses. The fact that the same masses started to feel that their beliefs were being abused and that some of them distanced themselves from the government made the social response of this new line of contact established by the CHP even more visible.
Of course, Kılıçdaroğlu also had his faults: compromises, shortcomings, sometimes delayed reflexes... The political rule of “the caravan must be organized on the road” was not lost on him either. But despite all these shortcomings, his clean stance and calm but decisive leadership always curbed to some extent the government's appetite to bring the opposition into line with the judicial cudgel. There were, of course, mistakes and erroneous choices at the time; Kılıçdaroğlu saw many of them and, if he had the chance, he planned to completely redesign local governments with meritocratic staff. He had already repeatedly signaled this intention by saying that he would step aside after organizing the local government process and that he had no ambition for the presidency.
However, he was not given this opportunity. The calculations within the party, the online manipulations, the petty power games carried out behind the back turned the CHP into a “personnel system” rather than a political organization. The organization was turned into personnel. It has been turned into an apparatus that acts on instructions and is articulated into the loyalty networks of a handful of executives. The fact that congresses today are won on the basis of this system, that the opportunities brought to the field, the positions distributed and the networks of personal interests are decisive, painfully shows what kind of structure the party has turned into.
Why can't the left ever write a history of the left coming to power? Because the biggest weakness of the left is always the same: Consuming itself. The forces within the left eating each other, the inability to establish stability... There is a similar scene today: Without the AKP having to do much, the CHP is offering it the path to power on a golden platter through its own internal struggle. Because, ironically, a considerable part of the party's energy is working for the ruling party.
Kılıçdaroğlu's ouster through a succession of betrayals, İmamoğlu's fall, the replacement of continuity, respect and loyalty with personal calculations, the fact that the party today is associated and blamed primarily with money laundering and relationships... While the party is buried in a struggle for power within itself, the real concerns of the people are somewhere else. No one wants to trust such a feuding house with their future.
***
Every decision taken today on the İmralı issue is not just a procedural choice. It is directly related to the left's 30-40 years of baggage, its fragile relationship with the Kurds, past mistakes and future elections. In short, the CHP's decision not to go to the candidate today may result in the CHP not getting Kurdish votes in metropolitan cities tomorrow. This is not just a technical commission issue; it is an issue that carries the symbolic memory of all past resolution processes in Turkey. From the burial of weapons in the ground to the tent courts, from the Dolmabahçe agreement to the aborted attempts at contact...
Perhaps one of the reasons why the process was not successful at that time was that the political establishment avoided directly confronting Öcalan, who was seen as the real interlocutor of the organization. Because in those years, everyone knew that Öcalan was the real owner of the process, and this is exactly what Bahçeli is openly expressing today. In fact, Bahçeli's language is a continuation of a political strategy that once leaned on the path paved by the left. Despite this, the CHP's decision not to go to the island today shows the party in an ambivalent position. The fact that it barely participated in the commission does not alleviate this hesitation. Kurdish voters read the issue as “CHP is refraining from coming side by side with the real interlocutor”, which leads to a perception of insincerity and a symbolic fracture. It is clear that there is no political gain for the CHP from this attitude. Because this approach weakens the bond of alliance with the Kurdish electorate, which has been established over the years and has played a major role in the elections.
There is a strong expectation that the CHP's ambivalent stance will significantly reduce its support among Kurdish voters. This decline, coupled with the already damaged alliance relations, makes it even more difficult for them to win elections. It is not hard to see that for every vote and point the CHP loses among Kurdish voters, the AKP and to a lesser extent the MHP pick up on the ground... Of course, there is also the possibility that the AKP and MHP will lose some votes among the nationalist base. However, looking at the whole picture, the damage that the CHP will suffer from this process will be much greater than the losses that the other parties may suffer.
The perception that İmamoğlu's candidacy was almost imposed on other opposition parties has made this fragile ground more sensitive. Add to this the allegations of corruption in local governments and ongoing investigations, and the emerging picture weakens the opposition's hand even further.
All these preferences and attitudes significantly increase the likelihood of Erdoğan being elected for another term.
Some of Kılıçdaroğlu's recent statements point exactly to this point: That the CHP should look at the issue not only in terms of “going” or “not going” to the candidate, but also in terms of state wisdom, society and historical responsibility: “The CHP has to be involved in the process in order to eliminate the Israeli and US scourge that is waiting for us to stumble in the Middle East and for the best interests of the state. It must take risks and put its hand under the stone by looking at the issue above politics. Our nation expects the CHP to be a pioneer in the process of brotherhood and to steer the process. Being on the right side of history often requires courage and determination.”
***
We have another congress ahead of us: The 39th Ordinary Congress on November 28-30. Frankly speaking, what will happen there is far from being a surprise. The provincial and district congresses completed in recent months have already painted the picture. (Even people who entered the hall with a different opinion during the congress processes were almost declared criminals and tried to be politically buried in concrete. However, in the history of the CHP, there have always been dissenting voices; there was a tradition where they could express themselves...) A large part of the delegate structure is under the influence of İmamoğlu and the team shaped around him. The same political line stands at the center of the balances extending from the party assembly to the MYK. The congress to be convened this weekend will be decided by delegates largely determined by this line.
So there is no great unknown about the congress. Nevertheless, the fundamental question is still before us: Will this congress strengthen a picture that further consolidates the party at the Imamoğlu center, or will it open space for a search for a balance that leans more firmly on the party's deep-rooted tradition and values?
To what extent will İmamoğlu's influence on the party diminish or continue in this congress? In the party assembly to be formed by Özel, how many of the names close to İmamoğlu will be left out and how many will make the list? How many of the opposition figures are likely to be elected and how many of these opposition voices will Özel deliberately make room for in order to reduce the tension within the party?
Kılıçdaroğlu's warnings and some other common-sense criticisms of the party are unlikely to have an impact on the congress, but it cannot be completely ruled out that Özel will maintain his own weight and form the party assembly with healthier names. One possible scenario is that some of the intra-party dissidents will be elected by piercing the list, while others will be deliberately made room for by Özel. This would be a preferable way to soften the balance and reduce tensions within the party. As a matter of fact, the nature of ordinary congresses is different from extraordinary congresses; a wider field of action and a more diverse distribution of cadres may emerge.
In this very atmosphere, it is noteworthy that some voices from within the party have reiterated the emphasis on “clean politics”. In a joint text sent to Özel by 16 former CHP deputies, they called for the establishment of an independent investigation committee for the party members against whom allegations have been made and for the process to be carried out transparently and quickly. In fact, this exit is also a sign of rising expectations among the party's base: A silent but strong warning that the CHP will not be able to regain public trust until it cleans up its own dregs.
It is unfortunate that CHP deputy group leader Murat Emir said, “Kılıçdaroğlu's statements have hurt all CHP supporters. When you look at the content of his words, you can see that he is in complete alignment with Tayyip Erdoğan.”.
These words, directed at a person who served as the chairman of this party for 13 years, weigh heavily on the scales of political politeness. Indeed, as Ali Haydar Fırat pointed out, Kılıçdaroğlu's statement is a historical warning due to the grave danger posed by the indictments that have been unveiled; he spoke out because he realized that the party would be severely damaged. Therefore, he should be taken into account and his words should be respected.
It is also not right to ignore yesterday's efforts in order to bind oneself more tightly to the current administration today. It is the weakest and short-term reflex of politics to turn your back on a name that you once waited at the door and asked for support by saying “make me a deputy”. Such an attitude is not only unfair to the past; it also makes the current chairman think about the following concern: “If you can erase your yesterday so easily, is there any guarantee that you will not show the same attitude towards me tomorrow?”
***
In any case, today we are not talking about any party.
What we are discussing today is the party of the founding and liberation; a history that has shaped the political memory, the culture of democracy and the state mind of this country... Sadly, this party is now on the agenda through mayors whose names are associated with corruption investigations. What a pity that it is turning into a structure that is surrounded by allegations of corrupt dealings.
I wish we were talking about a different landscape today. I wish we were not discussing the allegation that they “run municipalities corruptly”, but that they were targeted by the government for trying to serve the people. At least that would be an honorable price, one of the natural risks of politics... But that is not what we are talking about today. Today, we have to see once again the shadow that the municipal structures that finance politics have been carrying for many years.
Because this shadow is not new.
For years, the financing structure of local governments in Turkey has been the most fragile ground for political relations. We have repeatedly written that municipalities are the easiest and often the most uncontrolled area of fundraising for politics. That is why similar risks and allegations have emerged in every period, but it is new for the CHP to experience such a wide swing in such a short time.
What is descending on the party today is no ordinary crisis.
This is a nightmare. The CHP, which yesterday challenged itself with the claim of “clean politics”, is now facing the traces of the same dirty system inside its own house.
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So what is Kılıçdaroğlu saying today?
“Let those associated with corruption be held accountable...
“One of the CHP's missions is to keep politics clean and hold it to account. The way to do this is to start from within. Every CHP member has a debt of honor to be held accountable. Politicians can drift, they can make mistakes, but the CHP cannot be associated with bribery, corruption and wheels of interest. It cannot move forward with these shadows on it. It must immediately purify itself and move on.”
In fact, this is where the “fork in the road” begins.
The congresses end, delegates are elected; the picture is clear.
But the unrecognized fact is this: There is a great silence in the party and in society. No one should be fooled by the artificial crowds in those squares; of course there are those who come with good intentions, but the real mass is the mass that is not speaking today. The great silent majority of the CHP...
One of the reasons why the Special and Imamoğlu Center has been “overflowing” in the congress processes from neighborhoods to districts and from there to provinces; one of the reasons why the congress is being held with a single candidate and it is already clear that this congress will be overwhelmingly won is that this silent majority stands aside and just watches what is going on. (In addition, the fact that anyone who raises his head is easily declared a “sinner” and that in some places opposition names are not even allowed into the congress halls are other harsh realities that feed this picture).
Maybe that silent majority is thinking: Let's just let things happen. Let this party see this period. After all, it is impossible to recover without facing the truth.
It is not a coincidence that Kılıçdaroğlu is back on the stage today, while the trustee scenarios that were talked about until yesterday and the discussions on whether Kılıçdaroğlu would return to the party have been shelved. “I am still here, I am not out of the game” is his message. After all, even 24 hours is a long time in politics; everything can change, every door can be reopened. At the same time, he is also making a call to the silent majority within the party: “I am not silent, so don't be silent anymore, speak up; take ownership of this party.”
Here lies the meaning of Kılıçdaroğlu's speech just before the congress. He sees and reads this dirty atmosphere that has descended on the party. Like everyone else, he realizes how today's events have discredited and weakened the CHP. As a matter of fact, the fact that the video he shared reached 25 million views in a short time shows that he is not only a statement, but also the voice of a broad social reaction. That is why he is speaking out loud. Because he sees that in order for the party to get back on its feet, not only a technical staff change is needed, but also a community of clean, honest and virtuous people who are guided not by personal ambitions but by common conscience. He knows that a cadre that relies on the people, not on the calculations of self-sufficiency; that clings to responsibility, not office; that draws its strength from truth, not manipulation, is a must.
True leadership in this country is not an easy title to earn. A true leader is like a pole star that can guide you even when you lose your bearings. It may not always be visible, but when darkness falls, you know where to look. That is why it is neither easy to replace such a leader nor to pretend that he does not exist.
Perhaps what the CHP needs most today is to rediscover the direction that star pointed in: Morality, clean politics, justice, courage...
The most important thing is to regain the trust of the vast majority who have been watching him silently.
Sadık ÇELİK
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