The imperialist stage of capitalism is characterized not only by the centralization of capital but also by the repositioning of classes. In order to sustain its accumulation process, monopoly capital reorganizes not only economic spheres but all layers of the social structure. This reorganization ranges from the transformation of the relations of production to the restructuring of political power, from the shaping of ideological apparatuses to the redefinition of the international division of labor. This is why the Third World War we are experiencing today is not only a geographical redistribution, but also a class reorganization.
While monopoly capital establishes a network of domination on a global scale, it creates collaborator classes at the local level. These classes are elite groups that control economic resources, are close to political power, manage the ideological apparatus and establish a mechanism of domination over the people. These groups represent the interests of global capital, not the interests of their own people. Therefore, the collaborationist class is not a continuation of the national bourgeoisie in the classical sense; it is the local extension of global capital. This class carries out the regional operations of monopoly capital, prevents the organization of the peoples, suppresses revolutionary movements and makes the national economy dependent on global capital.
This class structure has become more visible with the widening gap in the world income distribution. The fact that of the world's income is received by of the world's population, and that only %7 of this is made up of local collaborating elites shows how narrow the class structure of capitalism has become. This picture is the contemporary equivalent of Marx's law of the ’Centralization of Capital’. Capital is concentrated in fewer and fewer hands, and this minority controls not only economic power but also the political and ideological apparatus. This is why states today have become instruments representing the interests of monopoly capital, not those of the peoples.
The monopoly capital-collaborator class dialectic is not only an economic relationship; it is also a political and ideological one. The collaborating class uses ideological apparatuses to legitimize the interests of monopoly capital. Media monopolies, educational institutions, cultural production mechanisms and digital platforms are used to shape the consciousness of the people. This is why today ideological hegemony is one of the most powerful weapons of capitalism. The class consciousness of the peoples is fragmented by ethnic, sectarian, cultural and identity-based distinctions; class contradictions are rendered invisible, the interests of monopoly capital are legitimized with discourses such as “National Interest”, “Security”, “Stability”.
This ideological hegemony is one of the most critical dimensions of the Third World War. The war in the Middle East is not only a military war, but also an ideological war. The unity of the peoples, the rise of class consciousness and the emergence of revolutionary potential is the greatest threat to monopoly capital. For this reason, political regimes in the region strengthen their repressive apparatus to prevent the peoples from organizing, media monopolies conceal the real causes of the war, educational institutions reproduce capitalist ideology, and cultural production mechanisms numb the consciousness of the peoples.
Another dimension of the monopoly capital-collaborator class dialectic is the redefinition of the international division of labor. Global production chains have shifted to regions where labor is cheapest, developed countries have turned to high-tech and financial sectors, while developing countries have turned into low-wage production centers. This has created a new class structure on a global scale. The traditional industrial proletariat has shrunk, and in its place a new proletariat has emerged that is precarious, flexible, fragmented and unorganized. This new proletariat is exposed to a common mechanism of exploitation on a global scale, but its class consciousness is disintegrating due to its weak organizational capacity.
This new class structure constitutes the economic basis of the Third World War. In order to reduce production costs, monopoly capital has reorganized labor on a global scale, fragmented the working class, weakened union organization and spread precarious forms of work. This has weakened the political power of the working class and made it easier for monopoly capital to establish hegemony. But at the same time, it has also created a new international class solidarity as it has created a common mechanism of exploitation on a global scale.
The dialectic of monopoly capital collaborative class also includes the transformation of state forms. While in the early stages of capitalism the state was an instrument representing the interests of the national bourgeoisie, today it has transformed into an instrument representing the interests of monopoly capital. This transformation involves processes such as strengthening the state's repressive apparatuses, weakening democratic mechanisms, expanding security policies and suppressing the capacity of peoples to organize. Therefore, the rise of authoritarian regimes in many parts of the world today is the political consequence of the crisis of capitalism.
This picture shows that capitalism is historically blocked. The system has become unable to resolve its internal contradictions, and the necessity of expansion has left no way out except to create new war zones. Therefore, when the redistribution in the Middle East is completed, monopoly capital will set its sights on Africa. Africa's huge natural resources, its young population and its structure open to exploitation will be the stage for the fourth war of division. This war will not be a short-lived conflict, but a long struggle for hegemony that will last two hundred years.