T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00c7anakkale \u00fczerine kurulan anlat\u0131, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman tarihsel hakikati geni\u015fletmek yerine daraltan, onu siyasal a\u00e7\u0131dan zarars\u0131z hale getiren bir \u00e7er\u00e7eveye s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u00c7anakkale, kahramanl\u0131k, fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k ve destan kavramlar\u0131 etraf\u0131nda yeniden \u00fcretilir; fakat bu \u00fcretim, bilin\u00e7li ya da bilin\u00e7siz bi\u00e7imde onun as\u0131l tarihsel, ekonomik ve politik i\u00e7eri\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131lar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7anakkale ger\u00e7ek anlam\u0131yla ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, yaln\u0131zca ge\u00e7mi\u015fe ait bir zafer de\u011fil, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00fczenine y\u00f6neltilmi\u015f sert bir soruya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
\u00c7anakkale\u2019yi h\u00e2l\u00e2 sadece bir \u201czafer\u201d diye anlatanlar, meseleyi ya eksik okumakta ya da bilin\u00e7li bi\u00e7imde daraltmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7anakkale bir askeri ba\u015far\u0131dan ibaret de\u011fildir; k\u00fcresel g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerini etkileyen, d\u00fcnya tarihinin ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftiren bir k\u0131r\u0131lmad\u0131r. Bu k\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, yaln\u0131zca tarih bilgisi de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bug\u00fcn\u00fc do\u011fru okuma meselesidir.<\/p>\n
TAR\u0130HSEL GER\u00c7EK: \u00c7ANAKKALE B\u0130R CEPHE DE\u011e\u0130L, JEOPOL\u0130T\u0130K K\u0130L\u0130T<\/strong><\/p>\n 1915 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00c7anakkale Bo\u011faz\u0131\u2019na y\u00f6nelen askeri harek\u00e2t, y\u00fczeysel anlat\u0131lar\u0131n iddia etti\u011fi gibi yaln\u0131zca Osmanl\u0131 Devleti\u2019ni saf d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rakma giri\u015fimi de\u011fildi. \u0130tilaf devletlerinin temel hedefi, Rusya\u2019ya lojistik hat a\u00e7mak, Almanya\u2019y\u0131 g\u00fcneyden ku\u015fatmak, Osmanl\u0131\u2019y\u0131 sava\u015f d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rakarak jeopolitik dengeyi kendi lehlerine \u00e7evirmek ve Bo\u011fazlar \u00fczerinden k\u00fcresel ticaret yollar\u0131n\u0131 kontrol alt\u0131na almakt\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00c7anakkale, bir cephe olmaktan ziyade d\u00fcnya sisteminin d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcmlendi\u011fi bir jeopolitik kilit noktas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n E\u011fer \u00c7anakkale ge\u00e7ilseydi \u0130stanbul d\u00fc\u015fecek, Osmanl\u0131 sava\u015f d\u0131\u015f\u0131 kalacak ve Rusya\u2019ya kesintisiz yard\u0131m sa\u011flanacakt\u0131. Bu durumda \u00c7arl\u0131k rejimi nefes alacak, i\u00e7 kriz ertelenecek ve b\u00fcy\u00fck ihtimalle 1917\u2019de ya\u015fanan devrim s\u00fcreci farkl\u0131 bir seyir izleyecekti. Bu nedenle \u00c7anakkale yaln\u0131zca Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n kaderini de\u011fil, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n ve dolayl\u0131 olarak t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyan\u0131n kaderini etkileyen bir d\u00f6neme\u00e7tir.<\/p>\n Rusya\u2019n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f d\u00fcnyayla ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n kesilmesi, ekonomik ve askeri krizi derinle\u015ftirmi\u015f, cephe \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmelerini h\u0131zland\u0131rm\u0131\u015f ve bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 do\u011frudan 1917 \u015eubat Devrimi\u2019ni, ard\u0131ndan Ekim Devrimi\u2019ni m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan ko\u015fullar\u0131 beslemi\u015ftir. A\u00e7\u0131k bir ifadeyle \u00c7anakkale, Lenin\u2019in \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7an jeopolitik s\u00fcrecin \u00f6nemli halkalar\u0131ndan biridir. Ancak bu ba\u011flant\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de sistematik bi\u00e7imde geri plana itilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu ba\u011flant\u0131 kuruldu\u011fu anda \u00c7anakkale, romantik bir milli anlat\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar ve emperyalizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 k\u00fcresel bir moment haline gelir.<\/p>\n Bu tarihsel moment i\u00e7inde \u00f6zellikle bir isim \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar: Mustafa Kemal. O, yaln\u0131zca bir cephe komutan\u0131 de\u011fil, sava\u015f\u0131n kader anlar\u0131nda inisiyatif alabilen, askeri akl\u0131 stratejik sezgiyle birle\u015ftiren ve da\u011f\u0131lmakta olan bir imparatorlu\u011fun i\u00e7inden yeni bir tarihsel \u00f6zne \u00e7\u0131karabilen bir liderdir. Conkbay\u0131r\u0131\u2019nda verdi\u011fi kararlar, yaln\u0131zca taktik bir ba\u015far\u0131 de\u011fil, bir hatt\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6kmesini engelleyen ve sava\u015f\u0131n seyrini de\u011fi\u015ftiren kritik m\u00fcdahalelerdir. Onun \u201cBen size taarruzu de\u011fil, \u00f6lmeyi emrediyorum\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fc, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman romantize edilse de asl\u0131nda bir askeri zorunlulu\u011fun, bir tarihsel s\u0131k\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ve ayn\u0131 zamanda mutlak bir kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ifadesidir. Bu s\u00f6z, bir liderin askerine y\u00fckledi\u011fi fedak\u00e2rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, bir toplumun varolu\u015f e\u015fi\u011finde verdi\u011fi karar\u0131n \u00f6zeti haline gelmi\u015ftir. Bu nedenle Mustafa Kemal\u2019in \u00c7anakkale\u2019deki rol\u00fc, yaln\u0131zca bir kahramanl\u0131k anlat\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fil, modern T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin do\u011fu\u015funu m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan tarihsel bir e\u015fiktir.<\/p>\n SINIFSAL GER\u00c7EK: DESTANIN ALTINDAK\u0130 YOKSULLUK VE GEN\u00c7L\u0130\u011e\u0130N YOK OLU\u015eU<\/strong><\/p>\n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00c7anakkale anlat\u0131s\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sanki cephede herkes e\u015fit \u015fartlarda sava\u015fm\u0131\u015f, herkes ayn\u0131 bilin\u00e7le hareket etmi\u015f gibi bir tablo sunulur. Oysa ger\u00e7ek bundan olduk\u00e7a farkl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u00c7anakkale\u2019de sava\u015fanlar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu yoksul k\u00f6yl\u00fc \u00e7ocuklar\u0131yd\u0131. Yetersiz beslenmi\u015f, e\u011fitim imk\u00e2nlar\u0131ndan yoksun, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman temel ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 bile kar\u015f\u0131layamayan bu insanlar, sanayile\u015fmi\u015f imparatorluklar\u0131n modern ordular\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015ft\u0131. Bu durum, yaln\u0131zca askeri bir m\u00fccadele de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda e\u015fitsizli\u011fin en \u00e7\u0131plak haliyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir tarihsel kesittir.<\/p>\n Bu tabloyu daha da a\u011f\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131ran bir ger\u00e7ek vard\u0131r ki, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00e7o\u011fu zaman duygusal bir anekdot olarak anlat\u0131l\u0131r ama derinli\u011fiyle ele al\u0131nmaz: liseli gen\u00e7lerin cepheye s\u00fcr\u00fclmesi. Daha hayat\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndaki \u00e7ocuklar, kalem tutmas\u0131 gereken ya\u015fta t\u00fcfek tutmak zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu nedenle baz\u0131 liseler y\u0131llarca mezun verememi\u015f, bir nesil adeta okul s\u0131ralar\u0131ndan al\u0131narak topra\u011fa verilmi\u015ftir. Bu, yaln\u0131zca bir sava\u015f kayb\u0131 de\u011fil, bir toplumun gelece\u011finin kesintiye u\u011framas\u0131d\u0131r. E\u011fitim hakk\u0131, ya\u015fam hakk\u0131yla birlikte cephede yok olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n Bu ger\u00e7ek \u00f6zellikle g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale geldi\u011finde \u015fu soru ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olur: O \u00e7ocuklar hangi \u00fclke i\u00e7in \u00f6ld\u00fc ve bug\u00fcn o \u00fclkenin ekonomik ve toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131 kimin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na hizmet etmektedir? Bu soru, yaln\u0131zca ge\u00e7mi\u015fe de\u011fil, do\u011frudan bug\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131fsal yap\u0131s\u0131na y\u00f6neliktir.<\/p>\n SAVA\u015eIN ULUSLARARASI BOYUTU: EMPERYAL\u0130ZM\u0130N CEPHEYE S\u00dcRD\u00dc\u011e\u00dc HALKLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n \u00c7anakkale yaln\u0131zca Osmanl\u0131 ile \u0130ngiltere ve Fransa aras\u0131nda ge\u00e7en bir sava\u015f de\u011fildi. Bu sava\u015f, ayn\u0131 zamanda emperyalizmin kendi s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerinden toplad\u0131\u011f\u0131 insanlar\u0131 cepheye s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmayd\u0131.<\/p>\n Cephede yaln\u0131zca \u0130ngiliz askerleri yoktu. Yeni Zelandal\u0131lar, Avustralyal\u0131lar yani Anzaklar, Hindistan\u2019dan getirilen askerler ve imparatorlu\u011fun farkl\u0131 co\u011frafyalar\u0131ndan toplanm\u0131\u015f binlerce insan, kendi topraklar\u0131yla hi\u00e7bir ilgisi olmayan bir sava\u015f\u0131n i\u00e7ine s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Bu insanlar, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman ne i\u00e7in sava\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 bile tam olarak bilmeden, ba\u015fka bir imparatorlu\u011fun \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6l\u00fcme g\u00f6nderildi.<\/p>\n Bu durum, \u00c7anakkale\u2019yi yaln\u0131zca bir ulusal direni\u015f de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda emperyalizmin k\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte nas\u0131l i\u015fledi\u011fini g\u00f6steren bir \u00f6rnek haline getirir. Bir tarafta kendi topra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunan yoksul Anadolu \u00e7ocuklar\u0131, di\u011fer tarafta kendi \u00fclkesiyle ilgisi olmayan bir sava\u015fta \u00f6len s\u00f6m\u00fcrge halklar\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bu tablo, sava\u015f\u0131n yaln\u0131zca cepheler aras\u0131nda de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda sistemler aras\u0131nda ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn bu ger\u00e7ek de \u00e7o\u011fu zaman t\u00f6rensel bir dilin i\u00e7inde eritilir. Oysa Anzaklar ve Hintli askerler meselesi, sava\u015f\u0131n insani ve politik boyutunu anlamak a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kritik bir noktad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu sava\u015f, yaln\u0131zca toprak i\u00e7in de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda insanlar\u0131n nas\u0131l ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in de okunmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n MAN\u0130P\u00dcLASYON: RUHUN BO\u015eALTILMASI<\/strong><\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn en \u00e7ok kullan\u0131lan kavramlardan biri \u201c\u00c7anakkale ruhu\u201ddur. Ancak bu kavram\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011fi b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde bo\u015falt\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00c7anakkale ruhu, politik i\u00e7eri\u011finden ar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131larak duygusal bir sembole indirgenmi\u015ftir. Bu sayede sorgulayan bir bilin\u00e7 de\u011fil, itaat eden bir haf\u0131za \u00fcretilmektedir.<\/p>\n Oysa tarihsel olarak \u00c7anakkale\u2019nin i\u015faret etti\u011fi \u015fey son derece a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k yaln\u0131zca askeri bir mesele de\u011fildir; ekonomik, siyasal ve toplumsal egemenlik gerektirir. Emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 durmak, yaln\u0131zca cephede kazanmakla de\u011fil, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini ve ekonomik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kurmakla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n MODERN EMPERYAL\u0130ZM: A\u00c7IK \u0130\u015eGALDEN YAPISAL BA\u011eIMLILI\u011eA<\/strong><\/p>\n 1915\u2019te emperyalizm askeri g\u00fc\u00e7le geliyordu. Bug\u00fcn ise farkl\u0131 ara\u00e7larla i\u015fliyor. Finansal ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k mekanizmalar\u0131, ticaret anla\u015fmalar\u0131, teknoloji ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hegemonya, modern emperyalizmin temel ara\u00e7lar\u0131 haline gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n Bir \u00fclke \u00fcretmeden t\u00fcketiyorsa, bor\u00e7la ayakta duruyorsa ve stratejik sekt\u00f6rlerde d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131ysa, hukuki ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ra\u011fmen fiili ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu durum klasik s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilikten farkl\u0131 olmakla birlikte \u00f6z\u00fcnde benzer bir ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkisini ifade eder.<\/p>\n Bu noktada temel soru \u015fudur: \u00c7anakkale\u2019de reddedilen ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k bi\u00e7imleri, bug\u00fcn farkl\u0131 ara\u00e7larla yeniden \u00fcretiliyor olabilir mi? Bu soru, tarihsel bir de\u011ferlendirmeden \u00e7ok, do\u011frudan bug\u00fcn\u00fcn politik ve ekonomik d\u00fczenine y\u00f6neltilmi\u015f bir ele\u015ftiridir.<\/p>\n BUG\u00dcN: BA\u011eIMSIZLIK S\u00d6YLEM\u0130 VE BA\u011eIMLILIK GER\u00c7E\u011e\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn \u00c7anakkale en \u00e7ok an\u0131lan, en \u00e7ok sahiplenilen tarihsel olaylardan biridir. Ancak bu sahiplenme \u00e7o\u011fu zaman s\u00f6ylem d\u00fczeyinde kal\u0131r. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k vurgusu yap\u0131l\u0131rken, ekonomik ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k derinle\u015fir. Milli s\u00f6ylem g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilirken, \u00fcretim yap\u0131s\u0131 k\u00fcresel sistemle uyumlu bi\u00e7imde \u015fekillenir.<\/p>\n Ekonominin d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 oldu\u011fu, gen\u00e7li\u011fin i\u015fsizlik ve gelecek kayg\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fu, eme\u011fin de\u011fersizle\u015fti\u011fi bir ortamda \u00c7anakkale s\u00f6ylemi ile ger\u00e7eklik aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelir. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fki, yaln\u0131zca ekonomik de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda ideolojik bir sorundur.<\/p>\n TAR\u0130H\u0130 ANLATANLAR VE TAR\u0130H\u0130 YA\u015eATMAYANLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn \u00c7anakkale\u2019yi en \u00e7ok anlatan akt\u00f6rlerin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131, onun i\u015faret etti\u011fi yap\u0131sal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k meselesine temas etmez. Emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00f6ylem geli\u015ftirilir, ancak ayn\u0131 anda ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 ekonomik modeller s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr. Milli vurgular yap\u0131l\u0131r, fakat \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri k\u00fcresel sistemle entegre edilir.<\/p>\n Bu durum tesad\u00fcfi de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7anakkale\u2019nin ger\u00e7ek anlam\u0131 kabul edildi\u011finde, yaln\u0131zca ge\u00e7mi\u015f de\u011fil, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn siyasal ve ekonomik d\u00fczeni de sorgulanmak zorunda kal\u0131r. Bu nedenle \u00c7anakkale \u00e7o\u011fu zaman bir bilin\u00e7 de\u011fil, bir ara\u00e7 olarak kullan\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n VIII. TAR\u0130H VE BUG\u00dcN ARASINDAK\u0130 KOPU\u015e<\/strong><\/p>\n \u00c7anakkale\u2019de ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan irade, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ve kendi kaderini belirleme iddias\u0131 \u00fczerine kuruluydu. Bu iradenin somutla\u015fm\u0131\u015f hali, yaln\u0131zca cephedeki asker de\u011fil, o askeri y\u00f6nlendiren tarihsel ak\u0131l ve liderlikti. Mustafa Kemal\u2019in burada oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol, yaln\u0131zca askeri bir ba\u015far\u0131 de\u011fil, bir zihniyet d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131d\u0131r. O, yaln\u0131zca sava\u015fan bir komutan de\u011fil, gelece\u011fi kuran bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bug\u00fcn ise geni\u015f toplum kesimleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan g\u00fcvencesizlik, bor\u00e7luluk ve gelecek kayg\u0131s\u0131 belirleyici hale gelmi\u015ftir. Bu durum, yaln\u0131zca ekonomik bir kriz de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda ideolojik ve toplumsal bir kopu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n Bir toplum, kendi tarihsel deneyimiyle kurdu\u011fu ba\u011f\u0131 kaybetti\u011finde, o tarih yaln\u0131zca t\u00f6rensel bir hat\u0131raya d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. \u00c7anakkale\u2019nin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc anlam\u0131 da b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde bu noktada zay\u0131flamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n \u00c7ANAKKALE B\u0130R HATIRA DE\u011e\u0130L, B\u0130R \u00d6L\u00c7\u00dc<\/strong><\/p>\n \u00c7anakkale\u2019yi anlamak, onu y\u00fcceltmekten de\u011fil, onun ortaya koydu\u011fu sorular\u0131 bug\u00fcne ta\u015f\u0131maktan ge\u00e7er. Bu sorular basit ama rahats\u0131z edicidir. Ekonomik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k var m\u0131d\u0131r, siyasal kararlar ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u00f6zerktir, emek ger\u00e7ekten de\u011fer g\u00f6rmekte midir?<\/p>\n Bu sorulara net cevaplar verilemedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece, \u00c7anakkale yaln\u0131zca an\u0131lan bir ge\u00e7mi\u015f olarak kal\u0131r. Oysa \u00c7anakkale bir hat\u0131ra de\u011fil, bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcd\u00fcr. Ve bu \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc, her d\u00f6nemde yeniden uygulanmay\u0131 bekleyen bir s\u0131navd\u0131r.<\/p>\n Bu s\u0131nav\u0131n sonucu ge\u00e7mi\u015fte kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir zaferle de\u011fil, bug\u00fcnde verilen cevaplarla belirlenir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00c7anakkale yaln\u0131zca kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir sava\u015f de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir reddiyedir. Ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011fa, teslimiyete ve d\u0131\u015f m\u00fcdahaleye kar\u015f\u0131 verilmi\u015f tarihsel bir cevapt\u0131r.<\/p>\n As\u0131l mesele ise \u015fudur: O cevap bug\u00fcn h\u00e2l\u00e2 ge\u00e7erli midir, yoksa yaln\u0131zca hat\u0131rlanan ama uygulanmayan bir s\u00f6z olarak m\u0131 kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" \u00c7anakkale zu verstehen bedeutet nicht, es zu verherrlichen, sondern die Fragen, die es aufwirft, in die Gegenwart zu tragen.<\/p>","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":283871,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[286],"tags":[289],"class_list":{"0":"post-283869","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-yazarlar","8":"tag-manset"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/283869","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/14"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=283869"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/283869\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":283872,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/283869\/revisions\/283872"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/283871"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=283869"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=283869"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=283869"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}