Modern siyasal iktidarlar, en tehlikeli m\u00fcdahalelerini hi\u00e7bir zaman ger\u00e7ek adlar\u0131yla sunmaz.
\nSans\u00fcr demezler; \u201cd\u00fczenleme\u201d derler.<\/p>\n
G\u00f6zetim demezler; \u201cg\u00fcvenlik\u201d derler.
\nVesayet demezler; \u201ckoruma\u201d derler.<\/p>\n
Bug\u00fcn sosyal medyaya eri\u015fimin ger\u00e7ek kimli\u011fe ba\u011flanmas\u0131, e-Devlet entegrasyonu, 16 ya\u015f alt\u0131na devlet kontroll\u00fc i\u00e7erik ak\u0131\u015f\u0131 gibi \u00f6neriler, tam da bu gelene\u011fin dijital devam\u0131d\u0131r. Tart\u0131\u015fma \u00e7ocuklar \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcr; ama mesele \u00e7ocuklar de\u011fildir. Tart\u0131\u015fma sosyal medya \u00fczerinden yap\u0131l\u0131r; ama mesele sosyal medya de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n
Das eigentliche Problem ist dieses:
\nKamusal alan kime aittir ve devlet bu alan\u0131n neresinde durur?<\/p>\n
Bu soru do\u011fru sorulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, yap\u0131lan her tart\u0131\u015fma teknik bir sis perdesine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Ve sisin ard\u0131nda olan biten \u015fudur: Kamusal alan, sessizce devlete geri devredilmektedir.<\/p>\n
1. \u00c7ocuk S\u00f6ylemi: En Dokunulmaz Politik Kalkan<\/strong> 2. Sosyal Medya Bir \u201cDevlet Hizmeti\u201d De\u011fildir<\/strong> 3. \u201cGer\u00e7ek Kimlik\u201d Masal\u0131: \u015eiddeti De\u011fil, Muhalefeti Bast\u0131r\u0131r<\/strong> 4. Devletin G\u00f6rmedi\u011fi Ama Bilerek G\u00f6rmezden Geldi\u011fi Ayr\u0131m<\/strong> Devletler \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sevmez. 1. G\u00fcvenlik S\u00f6ylemi: Her Zaman Bir \u00dcst Anlat\u0131d\u0131r<\/strong> 2. Tembel Devlet Akl\u0131: En A\u011f\u0131r Arac\u0131 \u0130lk Se\u00e7mek<\/strong> 3. Vesayet Mant\u0131\u011f\u0131: Yurtta\u015fa G\u00fcvenmeyen Devlet<\/strong> 4. Kimlik = Sessizle\u015ftirme Teknolojisi<\/strong> 5. Dijital Vesayet Neden Cezbedicidir?<\/strong> 6. Yanl\u0131\u015f Soru: \u201cDevlet Bunu K\u00f6t\u00fcye Kullan\u0131r m\u0131?\u201d<\/strong> 1. Hukukun Do\u011fas\u0131: Olan\u0131 Yarg\u0131lar, Olmakta Olan\u0131 De\u011fil<\/strong> 2. Altyap\u0131 Mant\u0131\u011f\u0131: Kurulduktan Sonra Masumla\u015f\u0131r<\/strong> 3. Mahkemelerin S\u0131n\u0131r\u0131: Veriyi Geri Alamazlar<\/strong> 4. Normalle\u015fme E\u015fi\u011fi: En Tehlikeli An<\/strong> \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc a\u015famada art\u0131k muhalefet bile dili de\u011fi\u015ftirir. 5. Sand\u0131k Yan\u0131lsamas\u0131: \u0130ktidar De\u011fi\u015fir, Rejim Kal\u0131r<\/strong> 6. Dijital Otoriterli\u011fin Sessiz Zaferi<\/strong> 1. Devlet Kullan\u0131c\u0131dan Elini \u00c7eker, Platforma Y\u00fcklenir<\/strong> 2. Kimlik Zorunlulu\u011fu Yerine: Kademeli, Da\u011f\u0131t\u0131k Do\u011frulama<\/strong> 3. \u00c7ocuklar \u0130\u00e7in Yasak De\u011fil, Yetkinlik \u0130n\u015fas\u0131<\/strong> a) Okulda Dijital Yurtta\u015fl\u0131k<\/em> b) Aileye Destek, Aileye Vesayet De\u011fil<\/em> c) \u00c7ocu\u011fun Hak \u00d6znesi Oldu\u011funun Kabul\u00fc<\/em> 4. Su\u00e7la M\u00fccadele: Toplu G\u00f6zetim De\u011fil, Hedefli Hukuk<\/strong> 5. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z Denetim: Devlet Kendi Kendini S\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131ramaz<\/strong> 6. Neden Bu Yol Daha Zor Ama Do\u011fru?<\/strong> Sorunun Ad\u0131 Bilin\u00e7li Olarak Yanl\u0131\u015f Konuyor<\/p>","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":282874,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[286],"tags":[289],"class_list":{"0":"post-282873","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-yazarlar","8":"tag-manset"},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/282873","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/14"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=282873"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/282873\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":282875,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/282873\/revisions\/282875"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/282874"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=282873"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=282873"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/halkweb.com.tr\/de\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=282873"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}
\n\u00c7ocuk, siyasal tart\u0131\u015fmalarda kullan\u0131lan en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ahlaki kalkand\u0131r.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00e7ocuk \u00fczerinden konu\u015fuldu\u011funda, itiraz eden herkes otomatik olarak zan alt\u0131na girer.
\n\u201c\u00c7ocuklar\u0131 korumuyor musun?\u201d
\n\u201c\u00c7ocuklar\u0131n maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7erikleri g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor musun?\u201d
\nBu sorular, tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 kapatmak i\u00e7in sorulur; a\u00e7mak i\u00e7in de\u011fil.
\nOysa siyasal teori a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7ocuk s\u00f6ylemi \u015funu yapar:
\nDevletin yetkisini geni\u015fletirken, muhalefeti ahlaki olarak fel\u00e7 eder.
\nDer entscheidende Punkt dabei ist folgender:
\nDevletin \u00e7ocu\u011fu koruma y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc vard\u0131r; ama bu y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fck s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z bir m\u00fcdahale yetkisi do\u011furmaz. Aksi h\u00e2lde \u201c\u00e7ocuk yarar\u0131\u201d gerek\u00e7esiyle her \u015fey me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131labilir: ifade, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme, bilgiye eri\u015fim, hatta d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme.
\nTarih bize \u015funu \u00f6\u011fretmi\u015ftir:
\n\u00c7ocuk s\u00f6ylemiyle ba\u015flayan d\u00fczenlemeler, yeti\u015fkin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerini bitirir.<\/p>\n
\nBu tart\u0131\u015fmada bilin\u00e7li bir kavram kayd\u0131rmas\u0131 yap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.
\nSosyal medya, sanki devletle kurulan bir hizmet ili\u015fkisiymi\u015f gibi sunulmaktad\u0131r.
\nOysa sosyal medya:
\nDevletin sundu\u011fu bir kamu hizmeti de\u011fildir
\nYurtta\u015f\u0131n devletten izin alarak girdi\u011fi bir alan de\u011fildir
\n\u0130darenin d\u00fczenleme hiyerar\u015fisine do\u011fal olarak ba\u011fl\u0131 de\u011fildir
\nSosyal medya, modern \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n devletten ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z kamusal alan\u0131d\u0131r.
\nBu alan kusurludur, g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fcl\u00fcd\u00fcr, rahats\u0131z edicidir. Ama tam da bu y\u00fczden politiktir. Kamusal alan steril olmaz. Steril olan alanlar kamusal de\u011fil; kontroll\u00fcd\u00fcr.
\ne-Devlet mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bu alana ta\u015f\u0131mak, teknik bir entegrasyon de\u011fildir.
\nBu, \u015funu s\u00f6ylemektir:
\n\u201cKamusal alana girmek istiyorsan, \u00f6nce bana kim oldu\u011funu bildir.\u201d
\nBu c\u00fcmle kuruldu\u011fu anda ifade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir hak olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar; idarenin verdi\u011fi ko\u015fullu bir izne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr.<\/p>\n
\nGer\u00e7ek kimlik zorunlulu\u011fu savunulurken s\u0131k\u00e7a tekrarlanan bir iddia vard\u0131r:
\n\u201cAnonimlik su\u00e7u ve nefreti art\u0131r\u0131yor.\u201d
\nBu iddia iki a\u00e7\u0131dan sorunludur.
\nBirincisi, olgusal olarak yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
\nNefret s\u00f6ylemi, lin\u00e7 kampanyalar\u0131, hedef g\u00f6stermeler; \u00e7o\u011fu zaman ger\u00e7ek kimliklerle, k\u00f6\u015fe yaz\u0131lar\u0131yla, televizyon ekranlar\u0131ndan yap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Tarihsel olarak bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, en y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 s\u00f6ylemler anonim hesaplardan de\u011fil; a\u00e7\u0131k kimlikli iktidar sahiplerinden \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
\n\u0130kincisi, siyasal olarak manip\u00fclatiftir.
\nAnonimli\u011fi kald\u0131rmak, su\u00e7u bitirmez. Sadece ele\u015ftiriyi riskli h\u00e2le getirir.
\nGer\u00e7ek kimlik dayatmas\u0131 \u015funu yapar:
\nMuhalifin konu\u015fma maliyetini art\u0131r\u0131r
\nG\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz\u00fc daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hedef h\u00e2line getirir
\nAz\u0131nl\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini sessizli\u011fe iter
\nSonu\u00e7ta konu\u015fanlar kal\u0131r; ama ayn\u0131 ki\u015filer konu\u015fur. Bu da \u00e7o\u011fulculuk de\u011fil, konforlu bir tek seslilik \u00fcretir.<\/p>\n
\nBu tart\u0131\u015fmada s\u00fcrekli \u015fu hata yap\u0131l\u0131r:
\n\u0130fade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u201cne s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi\u201d ile s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r.
\nOysa \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ayn\u0131 zamanda \u015funlar\u0131 da kapsar:
\nNerede s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi
\nKim taraf\u0131ndan s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi
\nHangi risk alt\u0131nda s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi
\nDevlet \u015funu g\u00f6z ard\u0131 eder:
\nHer yurtta\u015f\u0131n devlete kar\u015f\u0131 dayan\u0131kl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u015fit de\u011fildir.
\nBir akademisyen ile i\u015fsiz bir gen\u00e7,
\nbir gazeteci ile kamu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan\u0131,
\nbir \u00e7o\u011funluk mensubu ile bir az\u0131nl\u0131k \u00fcyesi
\nayn\u0131 \u201cger\u00e7ek kimlik\u201d riskini ta\u015f\u0131maz.
\nBu y\u00fczden kimlik zorunlulu\u011fu, ka\u011f\u0131t \u00fczerinde e\u015fit; fiiliyatta se\u00e7ici bir bask\u0131d\u0131r.
\n5. \u0130lk E\u015fik: Kamusal Alan\u0131n Yeniden Devletle\u015ftirilmesi
\nBu d\u00fczenlemelerin ortak paydas\u0131 \u015fudur:
\nDevlet, kamusal alan\u0131 yeniden \u201ckendi m\u00fclk\u00fc\u201d gibi tasarlamaktad\u0131r.
\n\u00d6nce bas\u0131n kontrol edildi.
\nSonra radyo ve televizyon.
\n\u015eimdi s\u0131ra dijital kamusal alandad\u0131r.
\nAma bu kez y\u00f6ntem daha sofistike:
\nYasak yok
\nKapatma yok
\nA\u00e7\u0131k ceza yok
\nSadece kimlik vard\u0131r.
\nVe kimlik, modern iktidar\u0131n en sessiz ama en kal\u0131c\u0131 arac\u0131d\u0131r.
\nKimlik dayatmas\u0131yla kamusal alan kapanmaz; daral\u0131r.
\nDaralan alan, fark edilmez.
\nFark edilmeyen daralma, normalle\u015fir.
\nVe normalle\u015fti\u011finde art\u0131k \u00e7ok ge\u00e7tir.<\/p>\nDevlet Neden Hep En Kolay Yolu Se\u00e7er? G\u00fcvenlik Akl\u0131, Tembel \u0130ktidar ve Dijital Vesayetin Mant\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/h3>\n
\nDevletler \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclebilirli\u011fi sever.
\nBu bir ahlak yarg\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fil, yap\u0131sal bir ger\u00e7ektir. Devlet dedi\u011fimiz ayg\u0131t; karma\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 azaltmak, belirsizli\u011fi y\u00f6netmek ve itiraz\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclebilir h\u00e2le getirmek i\u00e7in vard\u0131r. Bu nedenle devletin do\u011fal refleksi \u015fudur:
\nKolay olan\u0131 se\u00e7mek.
\nDijital alandaki kimlik dayatmas\u0131 da tam olarak bu refleksin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Sorunlara zor \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler \u00fcretmek yerine, sorunu ortadan kald\u0131racak bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve \u00e7izilir. Bu \u00e7er\u00e7evenin ad\u0131 \u201cg\u00fcvenlik\u201dtir; ama i\u00e7eri\u011fi itaat edilebilirliktir.<\/p>\n
\nG\u00fcvenlik, modern siyasetin joker kavram\u0131d\u0131r.
\nHer \u015fey onunla gerek\u00e7elendirilebilir.
\n\u0130fade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc k\u0131s\u0131tlan\u0131r \u2192 g\u00fcvenlik
\nG\u00f6zetim art\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r \u2192 g\u00fcvenlik
\nKimlik zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131r \u2192 g\u00fcvenlik
\nAma g\u00fcvenlik hi\u00e7bir zaman tan\u0131mlanmaz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc tan\u0131mlan\u0131rsa s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 olur.
\nDijital alanda \u201c\u00e7ocuk g\u00fcvenli\u011fi\u201d, \u201ctoplum g\u00fcvenli\u011fi\u201d, \u201culusal g\u00fcvenlik\u201d s\u00f6ylemleri i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7irilir. B\u00f6ylece tek bir m\u00fcdahale, \u00e7oklu tehditlere cevap veriyormu\u015f gibi sunulur. Oysa yap\u0131lan \u015fey basittir: Belirsizli\u011fi ortadan kald\u0131rmak.
\nAnonim yurtta\u015f belirsizdir.
\nBelirsiz olan ise iktidar i\u00e7in tehlikelidir.<\/p>\n
\nHukuk devletinin temel ilkelerinden biri \u015fudur:
\nDevlet, amaca en hafif ara\u00e7la ula\u015fmak zorundad\u0131r.
\nAma pratikte olan bunun tersidir. Devlet \u00e7o\u011fu zaman:
\nE\u011fitim yerine yasak
\nKurumsal kapasite yerine kontrol
\nSab\u0131r yerine g\u00f6zetim se\u00e7er.
\nNeden? \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu daha h\u0131zl\u0131d\u0131r. Daha ucuzdur. Daha az siyasal emek ister.
\nDijital okuryazarl\u0131k m\u0131? Uzun vadeli, zahmetli, \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclmesi zor.
\nPlatform sorumlulu\u011fu m\u0131? Teknik bilgi, \u015feffafl\u0131k, denetim gerektirir.
\nYarg\u0131 kapasitesi mi? Personel, uzmanl\u0131k, zaman ister.
\nKimlik zorunlulu\u011fu ise tek hamlede \u201c\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u201d hissi yarat\u0131r.
\n\u0130ktidar\u0131n sevdi\u011fi tam da budur: \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm hissi.<\/p>\n
\nBu d\u00fczenlemelerin arkas\u0131ndaki temel varsay\u0131m \u015fudur:
\nYurtta\u015f kendi ba\u015f\u0131na karar veremez.
\n\u00c7ocuk do\u011fru i\u00e7eri\u011fi se\u00e7emez
\nYeti\u015fkin sorumluluk alamaz
\nToplum kendi kendini reg\u00fcle edemez
\nBu varsay\u0131m a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a s\u00f6ylenmez. Ama b\u00fct\u00fcn mimari bunun \u00fczerine kurulur.
\nVesayet rejimlerinin ortak \u00f6zelli\u011fi \u015fudur:
\n\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir risk, denetimi bir erdem olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrler.
\nBu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131nda ifade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir de\u011fer de\u011fil; tolere edilen bir istisnad\u0131r. \u0130stisnalar ise ilk krizde geri al\u0131n\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\nModern iktidar art\u0131k susturmak zorunda de\u011fildir.
\nSusturmak pahal\u0131d\u0131r, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrd\u00fcr, tepki \u00fcretir.
\nBunun yerine \u015funu yapar:
\nKonu\u015fman\u0131n maliyetini art\u0131r\u0131r.
\nGer\u00e7ek kimlik dayatmas\u0131, tam olarak budur.
\nArt\u0131k kimse \u201cyasakland\u0131m\u201d demez.
\nAma \u015funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr:
\n\u0130\u015fim etkilenir mi?
\nHakk\u0131mda fi\u015fleme olur mu?
\nYar\u0131n bir soru\u015fturma a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131r m\u0131?
\nBu sorular\u0131n sorulmas\u0131 yeterlidir. Cevaplar\u0131n gelmesine gerek yoktur.
\n\u0130ktidar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ideal yurtta\u015f \u015fudur:
\nKonu\u015fabilir ama konu\u015fmamay\u0131 tercih eder.<\/p>\n
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc dijital vesayet:
\nUnsichtbar
\nKademelidir
\nNormalle\u015fmeye uygundur
\nBir sabah uyan\u0131p \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler gitti\u201d demezsiniz.
\nSadece \u015funu fark edersiniz:
\nEskisi kadar yazm\u0131yorsunuz.
\nBu y\u00fczden dijital otoriterlik, klasik otoriterlikten daha tehlikelidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc diren\u00e7 \u00fcretmez. \u0130nsanlar kendilerini sans\u00fcrlediklerini fark etmeden uyum sa\u011flarlar.<\/p>\n
\nBu tart\u0131\u015fmada s\u0131k\u00e7a sorulan yanl\u0131\u015f bir soru vard\u0131r:
\n\u201cDevlet bunu k\u00f6t\u00fcye kullan\u0131r m\u0131?\u201d
\nBu soru masumdur ama yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
\nDie richtige Frage ist die folgende:
\nBu yetki k\u00f6t\u00fcye kullan\u0131ma a\u00e7\u0131k m\u0131?
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc hukuk, iyi niyet \u00fczerine kurulmaz.
\nYetki varsa, bir g\u00fcn kullan\u0131l\u0131r.
\nAltyap\u0131 varsa, bir g\u00fcn ama\u00e7 de\u011fi\u015fir.
\nBug\u00fcn \u00e7ocuk i\u00e7in kurulan sistem, yar\u0131n \u201ckamu d\u00fczeni\u201d i\u00e7in geni\u015fletilir.
\nSonra \u201cmilli g\u00fcvenlik\u201d.
\nSonra \u201ctoplumsal hassasiyet\u201d.
\nBu zincirin nerede duraca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kimse s\u00f6yleyemez.
\nAma nerede ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 herkes g\u00f6r\u00fcr.
\nHukuk Neden Hep Sonradan Konu\u015fur?
\nAltyap\u0131, Al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131k ve Geri D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fs\u00fczl\u00fck
\nDemokrasiler \u00e7o\u011fu zaman \u015fu yan\u0131lg\u0131ya yaslan\u0131r:
\n\u201cBir sorun \u00e7\u0131karsa hukuk d\u00fczeltir.\u201d
\nBu c\u00fcmle analog \u00e7a\u011f i\u00e7in k\u0131smen do\u011fruydu.
\nAma dijital \u00e7a\u011fda art\u0131k yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc hukuk kararlara, dijital iktidar ise altyap\u0131lara m\u00fcdahale eder.
\nVe altyap\u0131 kurulduktan sonra, kararlar tali h\u00e2le gelir.
\nDijital vesayet rejiminin as\u0131l g\u00fcc\u00fc tam da buradan gelir:
\nHukuk gelene kadar, hayat \u00e7oktan de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n
\nHukuk tepkiseldir.
\nBir ihlal olur, dava a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131r, karar verilir.
\nAma dijital g\u00f6zetim ve kimliklendirme:
\nTekil ihlaller \u00fcretmez
\nYava\u015f yava\u015f davran\u0131\u015f de\u011fi\u015ftirir
\nSessizli\u011fi yayar
\nOrtada dava edilecek tek bir \u201cma\u011fdur\u201d yoktur.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc herkes biraz daha az konu\u015fur, biraz daha az yazar, biraz daha \u00e7ok susar.
\nHukuk suskunlu\u011fu \u00f6l\u00e7emez.
\nAma siyaset tam da bunu hedefler.<\/p>\n
\nBir dijital sistem kuruldu\u011funda, k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede \u015fu arg\u00fcman devreye girer:
\n\u201cZaten var, kullanmamak sorumsuzluk olur.\u201d
\nBu, modern iktidar\u0131n en tehlikeli c\u00fcmlelerinden biridir.
\nKimlik entegrasyonu kurulur \u2192
\n\u201cSu\u00e7la m\u00fccadelede kullanmayal\u0131m m\u0131?\u201d
\nVeri havuzu olu\u015fur \u2192
\n\u201cTer\u00f6rle m\u00fccadelede faydalanmayal\u0131m m\u0131?\u201d
\n\u00c7ocuk i\u00e7in filtre gelir \u2192
\n\u201cKamu d\u00fczeni i\u00e7in geni\u015fletmeyelim mi?\u201d
\nAltyap\u0131, gerek\u00e7esini kendisi \u00fcretir.
\nBu noktadan sonra siyaset de\u011fi\u015fse bile, sistem kal\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sistem art\u0131k \u201ctarafs\u0131z bir ara\u00e7\u201d gibi sunulur. Oysa hi\u00e7bir altyap\u0131 tarafs\u0131z de\u011fildir. Her altyap\u0131, belirli bir iktidar tahayy\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00fc i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\nMahkemeler:
\nYasay\u0131 iptal edebilir
\nY\u00f6netmeli\u011fi durdurabilir
\nYetkiyi s\u0131n\u0131rlayabilir
\nAma \u015funlar\u0131 yapamaz:
\nToplanm\u0131\u015f veriyi silmekte etkili olamaz
\nKurulmu\u015f entegrasyonlar\u0131 fiilen s\u00f6kemez
\nYerle\u015fmi\u015f oto-sans\u00fcr\u00fc geri \u00e7eviremez
\nBir yurtta\u015f, be\u015f y\u0131l boyunca kimli\u011fiyle konu\u015fmu\u015fsa; mahkeme karar\u0131yla \u201cart\u0131k \u00f6zg\u00fcrs\u00fcn\u201d denmesi, o davran\u0131\u015f kal\u0131b\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmez.
\nHukuk gelece\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131rlayabilir.
\nAma al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131kamaz.<\/p>\n
\nDijital vesayet rejimleri \u00fc\u00e7 a\u015famada yerle\u015fir:
\n1. \u015eok<\/em>
\n\u201cBu \u00e7ok tehlikeli, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler gidiyor.\u201d
\n2. Al\u0131\u015fma<\/em>
\n\u201cBen zaten bir \u015fey yazm\u0131yorum.\u201d
\n3. Me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma<\/em>
\n\u201c\u0130yi ki var, ortal\u0131k sakinle\u015fti.\u201d<\/p>\n
\nEle\u015ftiri yerini \u201cdaha iyi uygulanmal\u0131\u201d talebine b\u0131rak\u0131r.
\nBu an, geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn en zor oldu\u011fu and\u0131r.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc art\u0131k sistem de\u011fil, itiraz anormaldir.<\/p>\n
\nEn b\u00fcy\u00fck yan\u0131lg\u0131 \u015fudur:
\n\u201c\u0130ktidar de\u011fi\u015fince bu sistem kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r.\u201d
\nOysa dijital vesayet rejimleri, iktidardan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak ya\u015famaya programlan\u0131r.
\nYeni gelen siyaset\u00e7inin \u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00fc\u00e7 engel vard\u0131r:
\nB\u00fcrokrasi: \u201cBu sistem olmasa risk olu\u015fur.\u201d
\nToplum: \u201cZaten al\u0131\u015ft\u0131k, ne gerek var?\u201d
\nSiyaset: \u201cBunu kald\u0131r\u0131rsak su\u00e7lan\u0131r\u0131z.\u201d
\nBu maliyeti g\u00f6ze alacak irade nadirdir.
\nBu y\u00fczden \u00e7o\u011fu zaman olan \u015fudur:
\nSistem kald\u0131r\u0131lmaz.
\nSadece makyajlan\u0131r.
\nVe makyajlanan her vesayet, daha kal\u0131c\u0131 olur.<\/p>\n
\n20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n otoriterli\u011fi:
\nYasak koyard\u0131
\nGazete kapat\u0131rd\u0131
\n\u0130nsanlar\u0131 sustururdu
\n21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131nki:
\nKimlik ister
\nAlgoritma kurar
\n\u0130nsanlar\u0131n susmas\u0131n\u0131 bekler
\nBu ikinci model daha az diren\u00e7 \u00fcretir.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kimse a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a bast\u0131r\u0131lmaz. Herkes \u201ckendi karar\u0131yla\u201d susar.
\n\u0130ktidar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu ideal durumdur.
\nMuhalefet vard\u0131r ama duyulmaz.
\n\u0130fade vard\u0131r ama etkisizdir.
\nYasaks\u0131z Bir \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm Ger\u00e7ekten M\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc?
\n\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc Korumak, Sorunlar\u0131 G\u00f6rmezden Gelmek De\u011fildir
\nOtoriter \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler her zaman \u015fu iddiayla gelir:
\n\u201cBa\u015fka yol yok.\u201d
\nBu iddia tarih boyunca defalarca s\u00f6ylendi.
\nVe her seferinde yalan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.
\nDijital alandaki \u015fiddet, nefret s\u00f6ylemi, \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n maruz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 zararl\u0131 i\u00e7erikler ger\u00e7ektir. Bunlar\u0131 ink\u00e2r etmek safl\u0131k olur. Ama bu sorunlar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri rehin alan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleri zorunlu k\u0131lmaz.
\nDas eigentliche Problem ist dieses:
\nSorunlar\u0131 m\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmek istiyoruz, yoksa sessizli\u011fi mi?
\nE\u011fer ama\u00e7 ger\u00e7ekten \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmse, yasaks\u0131z bir yol m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Ama bu yol daha zahmetlidir. Devletlerin sevmedi\u011fi kadar zahmetlidir.<\/p>\n
\n\u0130lk ve en temel ilke \u015fudur:
\nDevlet yurtta\u015f\u0131 d\u00fczenlemez; sistemi d\u00fczenler.
\nDiese Unterscheidung ist von entscheidender Bedeutung.
\nYurtta\u015f\u0131 d\u00fczenlemek demek:
\nKimlik istemek
\nDavran\u0131\u015f\u0131 izlemek
\n\u0130fade maliyetini art\u0131rmak
\nSistemi d\u00fczenlemek ise \u015funu yapar:
\nG\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kontrol eder
\nEtkiyi s\u0131n\u0131rlar
\nG\u00fcc\u00fc da\u011f\u0131t\u0131r
\nGer\u00e7ek\u00e7i \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm, kullan\u0131c\u0131y\u0131 fi\u015flemek de\u011fil; platformlar\u0131 sorumlu k\u0131lmakt\u0131r.
\nBu ne demektir?
\nAlgoritmalar\u0131n neyi neden \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015feffafla\u015f\u0131r
\nA\u015f\u0131r\u0131 i\u00e7erik \u00f6d\u00fcllendirilmez
\nNefret, kald\u0131r\u0131larak de\u011fil; yay\u0131lmas\u0131 engellenerek etkisizle\u015ftirilir
\nBuradaki kritik fark \u015fudur:
\n\u0130fade korunur, tahakk\u00fcm k\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r.
\nDevletin g\u00f6revi fikri susturmak de\u011fil; fikrin herkesi bast\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nlemektir.<\/p>\n
\nKimlik dayatmas\u0131 \u201cya hep ya hi\u00e7\u201dtir.
\nBu y\u00fczden tehlikelidir.
\nOysa dijital d\u00fcnyada \u00e7ok daha ak\u0131ll\u0131 bir model vard\u0131r:
\nkademeli do\u011frulama.
\nBu model \u015funu kabul eder:
\nHerkes anonim konu\u015fabilir
\nAma herkes s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z etki \u00fcretemez
\nWie?
\nBireysel payla\u015f\u0131m serbesttir
\nKitlesel eri\u015fim, reklam, otomasyon benzeri davran\u0131\u015flar i\u00e7in ek do\u011frulama gerekir
\nBu do\u011frulama devletle payla\u015f\u0131lmaz
\nMerkezi veri havuzu olu\u015fmaz
\nBurada ama\u00e7 \u201ckim oldu\u011funu bilmek\u201d de\u011fil;
\nbir ki\u015finin bin ki\u015fi gibi davranmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemektir.
\nBu y\u00f6ntem:
\nBot a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 zay\u0131flat\u0131r
\nOrganize linci zorla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r
\nMuhalefeti de\u011fil, manip\u00fclasyonu hedef al\u0131r
\nUnd das Wichtigste:
\nDevletin eline yeni bir g\u00f6zetim anahtar\u0131 vermez.<\/p>\n
\n\u00c7ocuk meselesi yasakla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclemez.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00e7ocuklar yasaktan h\u0131zl\u0131d\u0131r; algoritmalardan bile h\u0131zl\u0131d\u0131r.
\nGer\u00e7ek \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00fc\u00e7 ayakl\u0131d\u0131r:<\/p>\n
\nBu ders olmadan hi\u00e7bir filtre i\u015fe yaramaz.
\nAlgoritma nas\u0131l \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r?
\nNeden \u00f6fke daha \u00e7ok yay\u0131l\u0131r?
\nManip\u00fclasyon nas\u0131l anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r?
\n\u00c7ocuklara \u201cne izlememeleri gerekti\u011fi\u201d de\u011fil,
\nneden baz\u0131 \u015feylerin \u00f6nlerine itildi\u011fi \u00f6\u011fretilmelidir.
\nBu, korumadan daha etkilidir.<\/p>\n
\nEbeveyn ara\u00e7lar\u0131:
\n\u00dccretsiz
\nBasit
\nTransparent
\nolmal\u0131d\u0131r.
\nDevlet burada hakem olmaz.
\nRehber olur.<\/p>\n
\n\u00c7ocuk yaln\u0131zca korunacak bir nesne de\u011fildir.
\nAyn\u0131 zamanda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen, \u00f6\u011frenen, hata yapan bir \u00f6znedir.
\nDevlet \u00e7ocu\u011fun yerine d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnemez.
\nD\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyi \u00f6\u011fretir.<\/p>\n
\nNefret s\u00f6ylemi, tehdit, istismar su\u00e7tur.
\nBunun tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 yok.
\nAma su\u00e7la m\u00fccadele y\u00f6ntemi bellidir:
\nSomut fiil
\nBireysel \u015f\u00fcphe
\nYarg\u0131 karar\u0131
\nToplu kimliklendirme, su\u00e7la m\u00fccadele de\u011fildir.
\nSu\u00e7u varsaymakt\u0131r.
\nGer\u00e7ek \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u015funlar\u0131 gerektirir:
\nSavc\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n dijital uzmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131
\nDelil toplama kapasitesinin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi
\nPlatform\u2013yarg\u0131 i\u015f birli\u011finin \u015feffafla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131
\nBu yol zahmetlidir.
\nAma hukuk zahmetlidir zaten.
\nKolay olan yol, her zaman yanl\u0131\u015f oland\u0131r.<\/p>\n
\nEn kritik e\u015fik buras\u0131d\u0131r.
\nDijital alan\u0131n denetimi:
\nBakanl\u0131klara
\nEmniyete
\nY\u00fcr\u00fctmeye
\nnicht verlassen werden kann.
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc hi\u00e7bir iktidar, kendisine verilen g\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc olarak s\u0131n\u0131rlamaz.
\nStattdessen:
\n\u00c7ok akt\u00f6rl\u00fc
\nBa\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z
\nTransparent
\nbir Dijital Haklar Denetimi gerekir.
\nDiese Struktur
\nPlatformlar\u0131 denetler
\nDevletin s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izer
\nYurtta\u015f\u0131 korur
\nVe kriz anlar\u0131nda otomatik yasak \u00fcretmez.<\/p>\n
\n\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu yol:
\nSab\u0131r ister
\nE\u011fitim ister
\nKurumsal kapasite ister
\nAma kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u015funu verir:
\nKamusal alan canl\u0131 kal\u0131r
\n\u0130fade cesareti korunur
\nSand\u0131k anlam\u0131n\u0131 yitirmez
\nKimlik dayatmas\u0131 ise:
\nH\u0131zl\u0131d\u0131r
\nG\u00f6steri\u015flidir
\nAlk\u0131\u015f al\u0131r
\nAma geride al\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir sessizlik b\u0131rak\u0131r.
\nG\u00fc\u00e7 Kolay\u0131 Se\u00e7er, Demokrasi Zoru
\nDevlet i\u00e7in en kolay \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u015fudur:
\n\u201cKimli\u011fini ver, sus.\u201d
\nDemokrasi i\u00e7in do\u011fru \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u015fudur:
\n\u201cKonu\u015f, ama kimseyi ezme.\u201d
\nBu yaz\u0131 boyunca savunulan \u015fey basittir ama rahats\u0131z edicidir:
\n\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ile g\u00fcvenlik aras\u0131nda zorunlu bir tercih yoktur.
\nYanl\u0131\u015f olan, bu ikisini kar\u015f\u0131t gibi sunmakt\u0131r.
\nYasaks\u0131z \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.
\nAma bunun i\u00e7in \u015funu kabul etmek gerekir:
\nDevlet her \u015feyi kontrol edemez.
\nKontrol ettik\u00e7e de y\u00f6netemez.<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"